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2017 Fiscal Forum”Bridging the Divide Colorado’s Race to Equity”

January 13, 2017

2017 Fiscal Forum”Bridging the Divide Colorado’s Race to Equity”

 

“LEFT AT THE STATION”  :  

Agenda

Carol Hedges

fiscal reform  ballot initiative pulled from consideration

need a supermajority now to change the constitution

state minimum wage increase  people focused campaign passed

Colorado Fiscal Institute  Count me in campaign we are decision makers

fundamental inequities still exist

economic inequality

communications challenges addressing inequality

 

RACE  matters in economic matters in every single point

 

  • FACTS MATTER
  • RULES MATTER
  • INSTITUTIONS MATTER
  • ACTIONS MATTER

does what I do and did  matter?

Let us not get weary fighting for good from  Galatians     –   What matters is what is “Good”?

CONFRONT DISRUPT MUST MUST MUST MUST MUST        ACT

 

 

 

 

 

Natalie Mullis, Chief Economist, Colorado Legislative Council Staff  303 866 4778 natalie.mullis@state.co.us.

 

TIGHTENING BUDGETS  annually based on demographic changes

ECONOMIC ACTIVITY EXPANDING

recession in agricultural sector

 

commodity prices have stabilized  no recession generally during the next three years

economic growth will be slower

full labor market  at this point and time and nationally

GLOBAL ECONOMY IS DOING BETTER

CRAZY THINGS AROUND THE WORLD

 

Tough Budgets will persist  HERE TO STAY

 

poverty costs billions of dollars and if the legislators were such whizzes then we would have solutions to poverty

Kathy Saile, Director Government Affairs, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities from  D.C.

 

what is going on in the swamp!!

 

70  degrees yesterday in D.C.  but there is no climate change

 

“a lot of things can be changing while I am speaking”

 

signed into law to repeal  ACA healthcare reform  nothing to put in its place  impact on 30 million people such as me  are alarming and devastating

 

NO SAFETY NET  changed to block grants to states  massive impact on state budget  8.1 billion dollars come in from Federal  programs   SNAP  ambitious agenda

 

RECONCILIATION    not positive  fast track legislation  decisions without input

 

entitlement makes up about 1/2 the budget  change laws  get benefit if you’re applying  medicare, medicaid social security 24% medicare 14% 11% medicaid CHIP exchange subsidies,  other entitlements 13%

 

DEFENSE 16%  non defense discretionary  TSA, NIH  national institute of health, education  16%  SET CAPS ON THESE SPENDING AREAS  not related to REVENUE

 

largest housing mortgage interest deduction rental assistance 

 

RESOLUTION non binding  reconciliation framework that CONGRESS WORKS from

only in certain circumstances  –  not for SSI  –  off the table  nor discretionary spending

 

long term  a nitty gritty issue.

 

passed by a simple majority

 

TAX CUTS have been cuts that have been made substantially  and for ACA

 

 

all starts on OCTOBER 1 BUDGET YEAR in D.C.

 

1:30 am  budget resolution for the healthcare committee to repeal the ACA

 

January 27  two weeks from this moment

 

needing 60 votes to pass a __________

HUGE TAX CUTS TO TOP 1%

 

cuts to poorest neighbors and citizens

 

threats are serious

precision healthcare  –   need to develop other means to care for people who need medical care

 

4.3 million people will lose insurance

 

URBAN INSTITUTE  not required  people who are youth

 

2019  58%  uninsured  1/2 million less people will be uninsured

 

takes away the set asides for federal paying of subsidies

 

health care accounts  tax liability  at end of the year  not much sense in this

 

THREATS TO SNAP

 

Speaker Ryan’s better way  eliminate SSI

 

BIG BIG TAX CUTS CHUMP PLANS

 

EXPANDING THE EARNED  INCOME TAX  CREDITS  – not at all  maybe cut altogether

 

top 99% will get all of the tax cuts and breaks

 

road map to disinvestment

 

#_____________________________________________________________

 

priorities for the year  dealing with rules and policies two from each group sitting around the conference room

 

something that does make it up on the wall goes to a parking lot

 

make an action talk to a legislator

 

gardner   303 391 5777  phone # disconnected  mail box full

bennett  303 455 7600    866 455 9866

 

degette   (1)  303 844 4988

polis  (2) 303 484 9596

tipton  (3) 970 241 2499

BUCK   (4) 970 702 2136

Lamborn  (5)  719 520 0055

Coffman    (6) 720 748 7514

perlmutter   district 7  303 274 7997

NEW WORLD OF D.C.

 

“RACE ECONOMICS/SOCIAL IMPLICATIONS

Professor John A Powell, Director Haas Institute for a Fair and Inclusive Society

 

JEFF CHANG  “WHO WE BE”

 

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON  “WHO ARE WE?”  2004

 

fastest growing group is intergroup   15%   inter marriage of diverse race or ethnicity  2010  by 2015  1/4 marriages will be intermarriages in California 63%

 

neither organized nor consciousness of the personal and political  experiences have to be fused

 

movement when political and open and public face of this movement

 

increased anxiety   more anxious as the world becomes  more diverse  change creates anxiety no matter what

 

presumably you’re marrying someone  who you like  still creates stress

 

what do you do with this anxiety  –  first day of school need a change of pattern of the routine to be fulfilled and develop  anxiety is turned to fear by challenges that one is challenged by

 

anxiety can be positive and negative

as in adverse childhood experiences

 

BRIDGING WILL ALSO OCCUR

 

three responses   breaking          fear anger othering   finding a way to love accept others

 

we are all the same rings HOLLOW

 

rather than we are different  we are 

 

BRIDGING STORY  our future  –  we read each other’s story hear each other’s cried  suffer together  common good we have to face adversity together.  

 

sharing one another’s suffering  90%  

stories and practices empathetic spaces everyone’s stories are part of the spaace.  this is part of the process of belonging

 

no such thing as the other

 

BELONGING DEFINED  BELONGING 

 

deeply wounded trauma induced

 

subtracts 15 years from your life for homeless people 20 to 40 years are taken off their lives

 

DAVID WILLIAMS levels of instability  quickly insult others who are different from us  affects your health  has adverse consequences on your health

TREAT others with dignity and respect.

 

after 9/11  women  giving birth afterwards affected the health of their off spring.

 

weathering  –  live shorter lives diseases are more severe.  

 

age biologically more quickly and more levels of illness inflammation, cholesterol,

 

shorter your cells   finds that 7.5 years older than their peers who are White

 

STRESS  affects all people who live in poverty    poor people  as Dr. King was  working to effect change

 

whites isolate themselves

having a story rugged individualism  nothing to hang on to

 

HITLER DID THE SAME THING  herrenvolk

 

“Changing of the Gods”

 

When you get in trouble who do you call?  MIS HIJOS NUNCA LLAMAME.

 

who do I connect with?  

 

none of them call POLICE

Bridges Network  we live in different networks and connections  among many    groups there is a different perspective.

Greenwood is a neighborhood in Tulsa, Oklahoma. As one of the most prominent concentrations of African-American businesses in the United States during the early 20th century, it was popularly known as America’s “Black Wall Street” until the Tulsa race riot of 1921, in which white residents massacred hundreds of black residents and razed the neighborhood within hours. The riot was one of the most devastating massacres in the history of U.S. race relations, destroying the once thriving Greenwood community.

Within five years after the massacre, surviving residents who chose to remain in Tulsa rebuilt much of the district. They accomplished this despite the opposition of many white Tulsa political and business leaders and punitive rezoning laws enacted to prevent reconstruction. It resumed being a vital black community until segregation was overturned by the Federal Government during the 1950s and 1960s. Desegregation encouraged blacks to live and shop elsewhere in the city, causing Greenwood to lose much of its original vitality. Since then, city leaders have attempted to encourage other economic development activity nearby.

Many Black Americans moved to Oklahoma in the years before and after 1907, which is the year Oklahoma became a state. Oklahoma represented change and provided a chance for black Americans to get away from slavery and the harsh racism of their previous homes.[1] Most of them traveled from other states, and Oklahoma offered hope and provided all people with a chance to start over. They traveled to Oklahoma by wagons, horses, trains, and even on foot.

Many of the black Americans who traveled to Oklahoma had ancestors who could be traced back to Oklahoma. Many of the settlers were relatives of black Americans who had traveled on foot with the Five Civilized Tribes along the Trail of Tears. Others were the descendants of people who had fled to Indian Territory. Many Black residents were also from the various Muskogee speaking peoples, such as Creeks, Seminoles, and the Yuchi, while some had been adopted by the tribe after the Emancipation Proclamation. They were thus able to live freely in the Oklahoma Territory.[2]

When Tulsa became a booming and rather well noted town in the United States, many people considered Tulsa to be two separate cities rather than one city of united communities. The white residents of Tulsa referred to the area north of the Frisco railroad tracks as “Little Africa”. This community later acquired the name Greenwood and by 1921 it was home to about 10,000 black residents.[1]

Greenwood was centered on a street known as Greenwood Avenue. This street was important because it ran north for over a mile from the Frisco Railroad yards, and it was one of the few streets that did not cross through both black and white neighborhoods. The citizens of Greenwood took pride in this fact because it was something they had all to themselves and did not have to share with the white community of Tulsa. Greenwood Avenue was home to the black American commercial district with many red brick buildings. These buildings belonged to black Americans and they were thriving businesses, including grocery stores, banks, libraries, and much more. Greenwood was one of the most affluent communities and it became known as “Black Wall Street.”

Black Wall Street

During the oil boom of the 1910s, the area of northeast Oklahoma around Tulsa flourished, including the Greenwood neighborhood, which came to be known as “the Negro Wall Street” (now commonly referred to as “the Black Wall Street”).[3]The area was home to several prominent black businessmen. Greenwood boasted a variety of thriving businesses that were very successful up until the Tulsa Race Riot. Not only did black Americans want to contribute to the success of their own shops, but there were also racial segregation laws that prevented them from shopping anywhere other than Greenwood.[4]Following the riots, the area was rebuilt and thrived until the 1960s when desegregation allowed blacks to shop in areas from which they were previously restricted.

Detroit Avenue, along the edge of Standpipe Hill, contained a number of expensive houses belonging to doctors, lawyers and business owners. The buildings on Greenwood Avenue housed the offices of almost all of Tulsa’s black lawyers, realtors, doctors, and other professionals.[5] In Tulsa at the time of the riot, there were fifteen well-known black American physicians, one of whom, Dr. A.C. Jackson, was considered the “most able Negro surgeon in America” by one of the Mayo brothers.[6] Dr. Jackson was shot to death as he left his house during the unrest.[2] Greenwood published two newspapers, the Tulsa Star and the Oklahoma Sun, which covered not only Tulsa, but also state and national news and elections. The buildings that housed the newspapers were destroyed during the destruction of Greenwood.[2]

Greenwood was a very religiously active community. At the time of the racial violence there were more than a dozen black American churches and many Christian youth organizations and religious societies.[citation needed]

In northeastern Oklahoma, as elsewhere in America, the prosperity of minorities emerged amidst racial and political tension. The Ku Klux Klan made its first major appearance in Oklahoma shortly before one of the worst race riots in history.[7] It is estimated that there were about 3,200 members of the Klan in Tulsa in 1921.[citation needed]

O.W. Gurley

Around the start of the 20th century O.W. Gurley, a wealthy black land-owner from Arkansas, traversed the United States to participate in the Oklahoma Land run of 1889. The young entrepreneur had just resigned from a presidential appointment under president Grover Cleveland in order to strike out on his own.”[8]

In 1906, Gurley moved to Tulsa, Oklahoma where he purchased 40 acres of land which was “only to be sold to colored”.[8]Black ownership was unheard of at that time.

Among Gurley’s first businesses was a rooming house which was located on a dusty trail near the railroad tracks. This road was given the name Greenwood Avenue, named for a city in Mississippi. The area became very popular among black migrants fleeing the oppression in Mississippi. They would find refuge in Gurley’s building, as the racial persecution from the south was non-existent on Greenwood Avenue.

In addition to his rooming house, Gurley built three two-story buildings and five residences and bought an 80-acre (32 ha) farm in Rogers County. Gurley also founded what is today Vernon AME Church.[2]

This implementation of “colored” segregation set the Greenwood boundaries of separateness that exist to this day: Pine Street to the North, Archer Street and the Frisco tracks to the South, Cincinnati Street on the West, and Lansing Street on the East. The segregation is pronounced in subtle landmarks. South of Archer, Greenwood Avenue does not exist in white neighborhoods.[2]

Another black American entrepreneur, J.B. Stradford, arrived in Tulsa in 1899. He believed that black people had a better chance of economic progress if they pooled their resources, worked together and supported each other’s businesses. He bought large tracts of real estate in the northeastern part of Tulsa, which he had subdivided and sold exclusively to other blacks. Gurley and a number of other blacks soon followed suit. Stradford later built the Stradford Hotel on Greenwood, where blacks could enjoy the amenities of the downtown hotels who served only whites. It was said to be the largest black-owned hotel in the United States.[2]

Gurley’s prominence and wealth were short lived. In a matter of moments, he lost everything. During the race riot, The Gurley Hotel at 112 N. Greenwood, the street’s first commercial enterprise, valued at $55,000, was lost, and with it Brunswick Billiard Parlor and Dock Eastmand & Hughes Cafe. Gurley also owned a two-story building at 119 N. Greenwood. It housed Carter’s Barbershop, Hardy Rooms, a pool hall, and cigar store. All were reduced to ruins. By his account and court records, he lost nearly $200,000 in the 1921 race riot.[2]

Because of his leadership role in creating this self-sustaining exclusive black “enclave“, it had been falsely rumored that Gurley was lynched by a white mob and buried in an unmarked grave. However, according to the memoirs of Greenwood pioneer, B.C. Franklin,[9] Gurley exiled himself to California. The founder of the most successful black community of his time vanished from the history books and drifted into obscurity. He is now being honored in a 2008 documentary film called, Before They Die! The Road to Reparations for the 1921 Tulsa Race Riot Survivors.[10]

Tulsa Race Riot

 

Black Wall Street in flames, June 1, 1921

Main article: Tulsa Race Riot

The Tulsa Race Riot occurred in late May 31 and June 1, 1921. On the day of the riot, 35 square blocks of homes and businesses were torched by mobs of angry whites. The riot began because of the alleged assault of a white elevator operator, 17-year-old Sarah Page, by a black shoeshiner, 19-year-old Dick Rowland. The attack killed hundreds and left an estimated 10,000 people homeless. The City of Tulsa conspired with the mob, arresting more than 6,000 black residents and refusing to provide assistance. [11] Law enforcement dropped firebombs on buildings, homes, and fleeing families, stating they were protecting against a “Negro uprising.” [12] The massacre was omitted from state and local records, and “rarely mentioned in history books, classrooms, or even in private.” [13]

The community mobilized its resources and rebuilt the Greenwood area within five years of the Tulsa Race Riot in spite of political efforts to prevent reconstruction, and the neighborhood was a hotbed of jazz and blues in the 1920s.[14] However, the neighborhood fell prey to an economic and population drain in the 1960s, and much of the area was leveled during urban renewal in the early 1970s to make way for a highway loop around the downtown district. Several blocks around the intersection of Greenwood Avenue and Archer Street were saved from demolition and have been restored, forming part of the Greenwood Historical District.

 

take risks    I am not sure whether that makes any difference   in a spiritual sense

 

structural inclusion

 

data outcomes  structures are never neutral

 

effective response to environmental issues

 

targeted approaches benefits and protections :  

 

ADA

 

Affirmative action

 

targeted approaches focus on marginalized results

 

TARGETED UNIVERSALISM     –  varying needs of every group

 

  • set universal goal  100%  goal

 

  • how does the universal goal

 

  • performance of the segment  of the norm
  • understand how structures impede or improve the goals
  • implement targeted strategies

toward highest aspirations for EVERYONE

 

take something and frame it through breaking and bridging

 

targeted universalism what will that look like for your groups?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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