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Restore the balance of power in this nation to a place for all to flourish and for those who especially have never been able to appreciate the gifts of this land let freedom ring now and for this day forth – I pray

June 3, 2020

“Restore the balance of power in this nation to a place for all to flourish and for those who especially never have been able to appreciate the gifts of this land let freedom ring forth now for this day ahead always,”   I pray 


By Anthony “Rocko” Holloway

“We keep witnessing the callous shooting/murder of innocent
citizens and alleged criminals by police and “law abiding” people. We see the senseless mass killing of coworkers, classmates, and random people. We’ve even seen infants shot for god’s sake.

We just had an impeachment of our president for misdeeds. We’ve heard about assassinations and missile attacks in the middle east, and violent demonstrations in Hong Kong, Europe, South America and other places.

We are facing the worst pandemic to hit the world this century.

Locally, looting firebombing, and violence ha splintered off from peaceful protest demonstrations.

What’s going on? Has the world gone mad? Are there forces of good and evil opposing each other?…Or…have we humans just fucked up and not taken our level of responsibility for the planet?

Wherever you stand on these issues, what are you prepared to do? What can you do, if anything? What will you do?”


I’m disturbed especially for those who will come after. I’ve written and spoken about the abuse of power and innocent lives being sacrificed, but over decades these burning injustices have mounted and become more fervant and piointed at those who have lost everything. I pray that we stop and beseech anyone who is able to respond tio Rocko’s calling out all of us to take back our world and live in safety and restore the balance between those who have little and those who insist on being demagogues

“I feel yah man i’m wow are these’s peoples gone mad blowing up ATM machines robbing pharmacys even burning down black on black businesses i said enough is enough its seems talking is no good to a lot of them its very scary out there you can feel the tention in the air something big bout to happen the media love this eat it up blacks will never change until they can overhaul the judicial system treat every as equally treat people respect all colors we gotta start some where some how some way to pull together its maybe hard to do but somebody got to taka a stand to do better be better i’m praying this will all pass peace and God’s love my brother”

diminishment fear trembling sickness unto death dying alone

June 2, 2020



I don’t know about that there are a lot of people who don’t act violently at every turn and treat a person as being sacred Maybe that country next to Tibet a friend once visited. Wouldn’t it be wonderful if you didn’t have to lock anything and you could go every place by bike and people respected life and diverse people and were dedicated to equity in all ways? WOW Shangri-la.

 i feel that such a place is here and now and we have to create the space for this heaven on earth.

I believe that we meaning all of us every type age sexual orientation and so forth in a community of people who engage in understanding listening being present being just serving one another loving being resonsive creating a separate peace that is shared an intentional community of brothers and sisters with an underlying purpose of equity in all ways and with all of our foibles and limitations

“It begins inside ourselves, our homes, our family, our communities, but, ultimately, inside ourselves.”

the rub – precious time left – nowhere in this brief shadow has there been any sustained every one of my mentors is gone my friends apart – my dreams in smoke – my phyisical abiliities diminished – my being alone almost always inevitably i expect to pass ny myself the rudeness the din the caustic way of those nearby overwhelms me and I cannot figure out what to do I am scared as it is said that I will die and noone will know.


Hate for Hate Never Ameliorated the Pain

Violence is Useless Dribble

Anarchy Wreaks Havoc in Every Possible Way
WE Must Find A Path of Reconciliation with Justice as Nelson Mandela Before and All of Our Other Prophets

“On May 30 at his daily press briefing, Gov. Andrew Cuomo spoke about violence and quoted Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. This is part of what Cuomo said:

We have injustice in the criminal justice system, which is the basic purveyor of justice in this society. And it is not just George Floyd – you look back even in modern history in my life time. This started with Rodney King. Rodney King was 30 years ago. We suffered in this city through Abner Louima and Amadou Diallo and Sean Bell and Eric Garner. How many times have we seen the same situation? Yes, the names change, but the color doesn’t. And that is the painful reality of this situation.

And it is not just 30 years. It is this nation’s history of discrimination and racism dating back hundreds of years. That is the honest truth and that’s what behind this anger and frustration and I share the outrage at this fundamental injustice. I do. And that’s why I say I figuratively stand with the protestors, but violence is not the answer. It never is the answer. As a matter of fact, it is counterproductive because the violence then obscures the righteousness of the message and the mission. And you lose the point by the violence in response. And it allows people who would choose to scapegoat to point violence rather than the action that created the reaction. The violence allows people to talk about the violence, as opposed to honestly addressing the situation that incited the violence. The violence doesn’t work. Martin Luther King, Dr. King, God rest his soul. He taught us this. He taught us this. He knew better than anyone who is speaking to us today on this issue. “Returning hate for hate, multiples hate. Hate cannot drive out hate, only love can do that.” Yes, outrage. Yes, anger. Yes, frustration. But not violence.”

Dad was swallowed by violence all around him. He was deeply affected by the military occupation of Italy in World War II.  His health was compromised from stress and cigarettes.  Yet he had his dog  I wish I knew the dog’s name. I wish I had some friends some buddies some connections with anyone  and an animal aside from the rabbits that are wild.

One friend insuated “Poor me”  I had known all of my life.  I wonder what made him respond to me like that when he knew me almost all of my life? He was my brother and now there is no one else left.


 my father as a young man   how I miss his comfort and care



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Hate for Hate Never Solved A Thing Violence is Useless Dribble Only Wreaking Havoc in Every Possible Way WE Must Find a Path of Reconciliation Through Justice as Nelson Mandela Was Doing and Many Of Our Prophets

June 1, 2020


Hate for Hate Never Ameliorated the Pain

Violence is Useless Dribble

Anarchy Wreaks Havoc in Every Possible Way  WE Must Find A Path of Reconciliation Through Justice as Nelson Mandela Was Doing Before and Other Prophets

“On May 30 at his daily press briefing, Gov. Andrew Cuomo spoke about violence and quoted Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. This is part of what Cuomo said:

We have injustice in the criminal justice system, which is the basic purveyor of justice in this society. And it is not just George Floyd – you look back even in modern history in my life time. This started with Rodney King. Rodney King was 30 years ago. We suffered in this city through Abner Louima and Amadou Diallo and Sean Bell and Eric Garner. How many times have we seen the same situation? Yes, the names change, but the color doesn’t. And that is the painful reality of this situation.

And it is not just 30 years. It is this nation’s history of discrimination and racism dating back hundreds of years. That is the honest truth and that’s what behind this anger and frustration and I share the outrage at this fundamental injustice. I do. And that’s why I say I figuratively stand with the protestors, but violence is not the answer. It never is the answer. As a matter of fact, it is counterproductive because the violence then obscures the righteousness of the message and the mission. And you lose the point by the violence in response. And it allows people who would choose to scapegoat to point violence rather than the action that created the reaction. The violence allows people to talk about the violence, as opposed to honestly addressing the situation that incited the violence. The violence doesn’t work. Martin Luther King, Dr. King, God rest his soul. He taught us this. He taught us this. He knew better than anyone who is speaking to us today on this issue. “Returning hate for hate, multiples hate. Hate cannot drive out hate, only love can do that.” Yes, outrage. Yes, anger. Yes, frustration. But not violence.”


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Destruction of a Refuge for People of all economic circumstances to develop equity is blasphemous evil ignorant

May 30, 2020

I desperately am searching for a place where people are treated with deference and it is possible to live out the rest of my life as an elder benefitting the community ANY THOUGHTS ? I live as simply as it is possible I want nothing more.


How Fragile We Are”  Stevie Wonder and Sting

Sting – Fragile – YouTube

If blood will flow when flesh and steel are one
Drying in the color of the evening sun
Tomorrow's rain will wash the stains away
But something in our minds will always stay

Perhaps this final act was meant
To clinch a lifetime's argument
That nothing comes from violence and nothing ever could

For all those born beneath an angry star
Lest we forget how fragile we are

On and on the rain will fall
Like tears from a star
Like tears from a star
On and on the rain will say
How fragile we are
How fragile we are

On and on the rain will fall
Like tears from a star
Like tears from a star
On and on the rain will say
How fragile we are
How fragile we are
How fragile we are
How fragile we are


Are you prepared PREPARED for revolution for the ultimate sacrifice? Prepared at any cost? Do you know who usually dies in civil wars – children – innocent people – people who are elders Is that OK? Do you beleive there is no point to an infrastrure noble or not? Please elucidate like I am 6 years old!

 I’m blessed my family before me will not have to endure this but for my grandchildren I ache my heart is broken none of them are white

It is something this world what it is doing it is scary Norman I pray for equity Justice Peace lasting ways that we can preserve our lives and protect our families though we have messed up we have a clear choice to live together as Dr. King echoed long ago.

In Denver Colorado is there anything going on to deface the main library? I cannot understand violence at all but New York Mayor said that people arrested from the demonstrations there were not from New York City. WE need our libraries and there is somebody trying to eradicate them who serves in power in this time of poverty and loss is it acceptable to destroy a symbol of opportunity for all citizens to have equity? Is ther any reason to justify violence which is pervasive and prevalent against all people?

“from what I know yes, there has been graffiti and windows smashed at the Central library, along with other public buildings in the area – capitol, civic building, justice center, etc. This also makes me very sad. However, video footage and several personal accounts (including from what I saw on Thursday) have revealed that those who are destroying property are for the vast majority White agitators (probably with an outside agenda) NOT associated with the Black Lives Matter movement, who refuse to listen to leaders of color like Tay Anderson and others who have been successful at coordinating huge daytime peaceful protests like the one early this afternoon and Friday afternoon. These leaders have negotiated peacefully with police and crowds, called out those who are defacing property or acting violent, and dispersed protestors in the evening, asking them to return home before dark. Many agitators, however (and yes, many are out of state or from far out of county) choose to ignore this and stay into the night to engage in senseless violence, using the movement as a shield to harm the reputation of BLM along with those who have been coordinating it peacefully.”


no no no I believe that based on what I have been seeing and feeling more than this people are fed up with everything around them and that includes privileged people and people with nothing. many are illiterate but not from being unable to read but about what the problem is with pervasive unfocused unmitigated violence. EVERYone needs peace and order and equity everyone and some of us have more than others but right now I see a whirling dirvish of violence without end and the rest of the world looks at us as though we had lost every sense


a library is the place that all of us have to go to have access to anything, My ancestors were in America’s Georgia and they were spared from having their place burned to the ground by Sherman’s troops for one significant reason my ancestors took provisions to Andersonville, the prison. In every age there are those who have worked in concert with victims of slavery to care and help them escape. WE must after everythng be prudent about who are the intruders using the opportunity to tear doen the nation to estanlish a tyranny like no other and that is exactly what is brewing here in America and has for the last several years. Let us find a way through these times not resort to rhetoric simply because what was done was evil to people of color and I mean to all of them throughout the time we have stolen this hemisphere.

i don’t have much of a role in anything I am alone and near the end of my life unfortunately our generation that of those born in the era of the rise of the nuclear arms race did little to make this world safe for everyone. I am guilty but I also feel that what you’re saying means civil war which may accomplish what those in power wish which is to get rid of law and create a dictatorship as you have never lived under and for that matter few people in this privleged hemisphere for my grandchildren I am clawing for a chance for opportunity for them to all live better than I did not worse!


I’m angry because it is stated somewhere here that this is inevitable quoting JFK and he did as much to create this schism in his way and his family. It makes no sense for there to be adversaries as I have often expressed both in prayers and public testimony at the State Capitol of Colorado. WE need a way home all of us and to make a 180 degree turn from[ violence to embracing humanity and the earth.


“This is what’s going on. This is what the violence is about, and not just in Minnesota. This article begins:

As Minneapolis underwent a fourth night of protests over the death of George Floyd, Minnesota Governor Tim Walz said Saturday that most rioters arrested are from outside of the city and sought to take advantage of the chaos.

In a press conference held in the early hours of Saturday morning, Gov. Walz said he is authorizing “full mobilization” of the state’s National Guard, adding 1,000 National Guard to join the 700 already there, calling it “an action that has never been taken in the 164 year history of the Minnesota National Guard.”

“Our goal is to decimate that force as quickly as possible,” Walz said of rioters who looted and burned buildings. “Our cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul are under assault.”

Later in the day, Walz said 2,500 guardsmen and women would be activated. He said about 80% of those arrested for looting and vandalism could be outside agitators.

“Our great cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul are under assault by people who do not share our values, who do not value life and the work that went into this and are certainly not here to honor George Floyd,” Walz said. “They need to see today that that line will stop and order needs to be restored.”

“Let’s be very clear, the situation in Minneapolis is no longer in any way about the murder of George Floyd,” he added.”


Are you ready to resist with your lives? How would martial law and a dictatorship of federal powers under the present administration deal with the ideals of civil unrest, not withstanding armed resistance from the military regieme? The present course might be supported by some of those who would welcome an end to a republic similiar to Putin. I’mraising the bar because I’m old what difference does it make when and how I die? I imagine a number of those who are raising arms are not ready to die.


I’m surviving long tough time some of my other brothers are here but I never see them and that hurts. I wish I was at camp with a hundred people in the woods. I miss the earth and the gift of being with you all in every way. I am almost entirely like a monk in seclusion, Norman.  talking with Norman Wallace from Woodrock  a long time ago.


I’m from Philadelphia and I was influenced by Quakers I believe in treating everyone as a brother and sister and I was mentored by Dr Vincent Harding Jr. at Iliff School of Theology but branding me is going to be hard to do because I have lived a long and complex life with many sacrifices because of my values which include simplicity and many thoughts of Noam Chomsky regarding local enterprise and community building that makes us stronger within the confines of violence and oppression. Did you know of Henri Nouwen the Dutch theologian, He too was a mentor. Please forgive this rendition but branding a person in archaic and useless


Also Woodrock influenced my development as I was a teen starting out in my journey and being in Covenant House in New York City. and then the earlier episodes of working as a boy in grey at Germantown Hospital and Dispensary.  I fed people in the wards as they called the areas where indigent people were recuperating.


I desperately am searching for a place where people are treated with deference and it is possible to live out the rest of my life as an elder benefitting the community ANY THOUGHTS ? I live as simply as it is possible I want nothing more. Im tired of people being cruel vindictive violent self possessed with hatred and retribution unable to forgive and let go of rancor

COVID-19 Among Diné or Naabeehó Tribe

May 30, 2020

June, 2020

Diné or Naabeehó   –   Navajo

“The Navajo Nation is a vast, awe-inspiring land of desert crags and canyons, the largest reservation in the country, but today it reverberates with grief and fear.

The Navajo have had more people infected with the coronavirus per capita than any state in the country. Decades of neglect, exploitation and discrimination mean that even before this pandemic, Navajo here had a shorter life expectancy (72) than people in Guatemala (74) — and now Covid-19 is hitting Native Americans with particular force.

If Native American tribes were counted as states, the five most infected states in the country would all be native tribes, with New York dropping to No. 6, according to a compilation by the American Indian Studies Center at U.C.L.A.”


The Navajo Nation, Chinle, Ariz.


Diné or Naabeehó


The Navajo (/ˈnæv.ə.h, ˈnɑː-/British English: Navaho; NavajoDiné or Naabeehó) are a Native American people of the Southwestern United States.

At more than 300,000 enrolled tribal members as of 2015,[1][2] the Navajo Nation is the second-largest federally recognized tribe in the U.S. (the Cherokee Nation being the largest) and has the largest reservation in the country. The reservation straddles the Four Corners region and covers more than 27,000 square miles (70,000 square km) of land in ArizonaUtah and New Mexico. The Navajo language is spoken throughout the region, and most Navajo also speak English.

The states with the largest Navajo populations are Arizona (140,263) and New Mexico (108,306). More than three-quarters of the enrolled Navajo population resides in these two states.[3]

Besides the Navajo Nation proper, a small group of ethnic Navajos are members of the federally recognized Colorado River Indian Tribes.


A 19th-century hogan

Navajos spinning and weaving

The Navajo are speakers of a Na-Diné Southern Athabaskan language they call Diné bizaad (lit. ‘People’s language’). The language comprises two geographic, mutually intelligible dialects. The Apache language is closely related to the Navajo language; the Navajo and Apache are believed to have migrated from northwestern Canada and eastern Alaska, where the majority of Athabaskan speakers reside.[4] Speakers of various other Athabaskan languages located in Canada may still comprehend the Navajo language despite the geographic and linguistic deviation of the languages.[5] Additionally, some Navajo speak Navajo Sign Language, which is either a dialect or daughter of Plains Sign Talk. Some also speak Plains Sign Talk itself.[6]

Archaeological and historical evidence suggests the Athabaskan ancestors of the Navajo and Apache entered the Southwest around 1400 CE.[7][8] The Navajo oral tradition is transcribed to retain references to this migration.[citation needed]

Until contact with the Pueblo and the Spanish peoples, the Navajo were largely hunters and gatherers. The tribe adopted crop-farming techniques from the Pueblo peoples, growing mainly the traditional “Three Sisters” of cornbeans, and squash. After the Spanish colonists influenced the people, the Navajo began keeping and herding livestock—sheep and goats—as a main source of trade and food. Meat became an essential component of the Navajo diet. Sheep also became a form of currency and status symbols among the Navajo based on the overall quantity of herds a family maintained.[9][10] In addition, women began to spin and weave wool into blankets and clothing; they created items of highly valued artistic expression, which were also traded and sold.

Oral history indicates a long relationship with Pueblo people[11] and a willingness to incorporate Puebloan ideas and linguistic variance into their culture. There were long-established trading practices between the groups. Spanish records from the mid-16th century recount the Pueblo exchanging maize and woven cotton goods for bison meat, hides, and stone from Athabaskans traveling to the pueblos or living in their vicinity. In the 18th century, the Spanish reported the Navajo maintaining large herds of livestock and cultivating large crop areas.[citation needed]

Western historians believe that the Spanish before 1600 referred to the Navajo as Apaches or Quechos.[12]:2–4 Fray Geronimo de Zarate-Salmeron, who was in Jemez in 1622, used Apachu de Nabajo in the 1620s to refer to the people in the Chama Valley region, east of the San Juan River and northwest of present-day Santa Fe, New MexicoNavahu comes from the Tewa language, meaning a large area of cultivated lands.[12]:7–8 By the 1640s, the Spanish began using the term Navajo to refer to the Diné.

During the 1670s, the Spanish wrote that the Diné lived in a region known as Dinétah, about sixty miles (100 km) west of the Rio Chama valley region. In the 1770s, the Spanish sent military expeditions against the Navajo in the Mount Taylor and Chuska Mountain regions of New Mexico.[12]:43–50 The Spanish, Navajo and Hopi continued to trade with each other and formed a loose alliance to fight Apache and Commanche bands for the next twenty years. During this time there were relatively minor raids by Navajo bands and Spanish citizens against each other.

In 1800 Governor Chacon led 500 men in an expedition to the Tunicha Mountains against the Navajo. Twenty Navajo chiefs asked for peace. In 1804 and 1805 the Navajo and Spanish mounted major expeditions against each other’s settlements. In May 1805 another peace was established. Similar patterns of peace-making, raiding, and trading among the Navajo, Spanish, Apache, Comanche, and Hopi continued until the arrival of Americans in 1846.[12]

Territory of New Mexico 1846–1863

Chief Manuelito

The Navajo encountered the United States Army in 1846, when General Stephen W. Kearny invaded Santa Fe with 1,600 men during the Mexican–American War. On November 21, 1846, following an invitation from a small party of American soldiers under the command of Captain John Reid, who journeyed deep into Navajo country and contacted him, Narbona and other Navajo negotiated a treaty of peace with Colonel Alexander Doniphan at Bear Springs, Ojo del Oso (later the site of Fort Wingate). This agreement was not honored by some Navajo, nor by some New Mexicans. The Navajo raided New Mexican livestock, and New Mexicans took women, children, and livestock from the Navajo.[13]

In 1849, the military governor of New Mexico, Colonel John MacRae Washington—accompanied by John S. Calhoun, an Indian agent—led a force of 400 soldiers into Navajo country, penetrating Canyon de Chelly. He signed a treaty with two Navajo leaders: Mariano Martinez as Head Chief and Chapitone as Second Chief. The treaty acknowledged the transfer of jurisdiction from the United Mexican States to the United States. The treaty allowed forts and trading posts to be built on Navajo land. The United States, on its part, promised “such donations [and] such other liberal and humane measures, as [it] may deem meet and proper.”[14] While en route to this treaty signing, Narbona, a prominent Navajo peace leader, was killed, resulting in hostility between the treaty parties.[15]

During the next 10 years, the U.S. established forts on traditional Navajo territory. Military records cite this development as a precautionary measure to protect citizens and the Navajo from each other. However, the Spanish/Mexican-Navajo pattern of raids and expeditions continued. Over 400 New Mexican militia conducted a campaign against the Navajo, against the wishes of the Territorial Governor, in 1860–61. They killed Navajo warriors, captured women and children for slaves, and destroyed crops and dwellings. The Navajo call this period Naahondzood, “the fearing time.”

In 1861, Brigadier-General James H. Carleton, Commander of the Federal District of New Mexico, initiated a series of military actions against the Navajo and Apache. Colonel Kit Carson was at the new Fort Wingate with Army troops and volunteer New Mexico militia. Carleton ordered Carson to kill Mescalero Apache men and destroy any Mescalero property he could find. Carleton believed these harsh tactics would bring any Indian Tribe under control. The Mescalero surrendered and were sent to the new reservation called Bosque Redondo.

In the summer of 1863, Carleton ordered Carson to use the same tactics on the Navajo. Carson and his force swept through Navajo land, killing Navajo and destroying crops and dwellings, fouling wells, and capturing livestock. Facing starvation and death, Navajo groups came in to Fort Defiance for relief. On July 20, 1863, the first of many groups departed to join the Mescalero at Bosque Redondo. Other groups continued to come in though 1864.[16]

However, not all the Navajo came in or were found. Some lived near the San Juan River, some beyond the Hopi villages, and others lived with Apache bands.[17]

Long Walk

Beginning in the spring of 1864, the Army forced around 9,000 Navajo men, women, and children to walk over 300 miles (480 km) to Fort Sumner, New Mexico, for internment at Bosque Redondo. The internment at Bosque Redondo was disastrous for the Navajo, as the government failed to provide an adequate supply of water, wood, provisions, and livestock for the 4,000–5,000 people. Large-scale crop failure and disease were also endemic during this time, as were raids by other tribes and civilians. Some Navajo froze during the winter because they could make only poor shelters from the few materials and resources they were given. This period is known among the Navajo as “The Fearing Time”.[18] In addition, a small group of Mescalero Apache, longtime enemies of the Navajos had been relocated to the area. Conflicts resulted.

In 1868, the Treaty of Bosque Redondo was negotiated between Navajo leaders and the federal government allowing the surviving Navajo to return to a reservation on a portion of their former homeland.

Reservation era[edit]

Navajo woman and child, circa 1880–1910

The United States military continued to maintain forts on the Navajo reservation in the years following the Long Walk. Between 1873 and 1895, the military employed Navajo as “Indian Scouts” at Fort Wingate to assist their regular units.[19] During this period, Chief Manuelito founded the Navajo Tribal Police. It operated between 1872 and 1875 as an anti-raid task force working to maintain the peaceful terms of the 1868 Navajo treaty.

By treaty, the Navajo were allowed to leave the reservation for trade, with permission from the military or local Indian agent. Eventually, the arrangement led to a gradual end in Navajo raids, as the tribe was able to increase the size of their livestock herds and cultivated crops. In addition, the tribe gained an increase in the size of the Navajo reservation from 3.5 million acres (14,000 km2 (5,400 sq mi)) to the 16 million acres (65,000 km2 (25,000 sq mi)) as it stands today. But economic conflicts with non-Navajos continued for many years as civilians and companies exploited resources assigned to the Navajo. The US government made leases for livestock grazing, took land for railroad development, and permitted mining on Navajo land without consultation with the tribe.

In 1883, Lt. Parker, accompanied by 10 enlisted men and two scouts, went up the San Juan River to separate the Navajo and citizens who had encroached on Navajo land.[20] In the same year, Lt. Lockett, with the aid of 42 enlisted soldiers, was joined by Lt. Holomon at Navajo Springs. Evidently, citizens of the surnames Houck and/or Owens had murdered a Navajo chief’s son, and 100 armed Navajo warriors were looking for them.

In 1887, citizens Palmer, Lockhart, and King fabricated a charge of horse stealing and randomly attacked a dwelling on the reservation. Two Navajo men and all three whites died as a result, but a woman and a child survived. Capt. Kerr (with two Navajo scouts) examined the ground and then met with several hundred Navajo at Houcks Tank. Rancher Bennett, whose horse was allegedly stolen, told Kerr that his horses were stolen by the three whites to catch a horse thief.[21] In the same year, Lt. Scott went to the San Juan River] with two scouts and 21 enlisted men. The Navajos believed Lt. Scott was there to drive off the whites who had settled on the reservation and had fenced off the river from the Navajo. Scott found evidence of many non-Navajo ranches. Only three were active, and the owners wanted payment for their improvements before leaving. Scott ejected them.[22]

In 1890, a local rancher refused to pay the Navajo a fine of livestock. The Navajo tried to collect it, and whites in southern Colorado and Utah claimed that 9,000 of the Navajo were on a warpath. A small military detachment out of Fort Wingate restored white citizens to order.[citation needed]

In 1913, an Indian agent ordered a Navajo and his three wives to come in, and then arrested them for having a plural marriage. A small group of Navajo used force to free the women and retreated to Beautiful Mountain with 30 or 40 sympathizers. They refused to surrender to the agent, and local law enforcement and military refused the agent’s request for an armed engagement. General Scott arrived, and with the help of Henry Chee Dodge, a leader among the Navajo, defused the situation.[citation needed]

Boarding schools and education

During the time on the reservation, the Navajo tribe was forced to assimilate to white society. Navajo children were sent to boarding schools within the reservation and off the reservation. The first Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) school opened at Fort Defiance in 1870[23] and led the way for eight others to be established.[24] Many older Navajo were against this education and would hide their children to keep them from being taken.

Once the children arrived at the boarding school, their lives changed dramatically. European Americans taught the classes under an English-only curriculum and punished any student caught speaking Navajo.[24] The children were under militaristic discipline, run by the Siláo.[clarification needed] In multiple interviews, subjects recalled being captured and disciplined by the Siláo if they tried to run away. Other conditions included inadequate food, overcrowding, required manual labor in kitchens, fields, and boiler rooms; and military-style uniforms and haircuts.[25]

Change did not occur in these boarding schools until after the Meriam Report was published in 1929 by the Secretary of Interior, Hubert Work. This report discussed Indian boarding schools as being inadequate in terms of diet, medical services, dormitory overcrowding, undereducated teachers, restrictive discipline, and manual labor by the students to keep the school running.[26]

This report was the precursor to education reforms initiated under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, under which two new schools were built on the Navajo reservation. But Rough Rock Day School was run in the same militaristic style as Fort Defiance and did not implement the educational reforms. The Evangelical Missionary School was opened next to Rough Rock Day School. Navajo accounts of this school portray it as having a family-like atmosphere with home-cooked meals, new or gently used clothing, humane treatment, and a Navajo-based curriculum. Educators found the Evangelical Missionary School curriculum to be much more beneficial for the Navajo children.[27]

UntitledAnsel Adams. 1941. Taken near Canyon de Chelly

In 1937, Boston heiress Mary Cabot Wheelright and Navajo singer and medicine man Hastiin Klah founded the Wheelwright Museum of the American Indian in Santa Fe. It is a repository for sound recordings, manuscripts, paintings, and sandpainting tapestries of the Navajos. It also featured exhibits to express the beauty, dignity, and logic of Navajo religion. When Klah met Cabot in 1921, he had witnessed decades of efforts by the US government and missionaries to assimilate the Navajos into mainstream society. The museum was founded to preserve the religion and traditions of the Navajo, which Klah was sure would otherwise soon be lost forever.

Livestock Reduction 1930s–1950s

The Navajo Livestock Reduction was imposed upon the Navajo Nation by the federal government starting in the 1933, during the Great Depression.[28] Under various forms it continued into the 1950s. Worried about large herds in the arid climate, at a time when the Dust Bowl was endangering the Great Plains, the government decided that the land of the Navajo Nation could support only a fixed number of sheep, goats, cattle, and horses. The Federal government believed that land erosion was worsening in the area and the only solution was to reduce the number of livestock.

In 1933, John Collier was appointed commissioner of the BIA. In many ways, he worked to reform government relations with the Native American tribes, but the reduction program was devastating for the Navajo, for whom their livestock was so important. The government set land capacity in terms of “sheep units”. In 1930 the Navajo grazed 1,100,000 mature sheep units.[29] These sheep provided half the cash income for the individual Navajo.[30]

Collier’s solution was to first launch a voluntary reduction program, which was made mandatory two years later in 1935. The government paid for part of the value of each animal, but it did nothing to compensate for the loss of future yearly income for so many Navajo. In the matrilineal and matrilocal world of the Navajo, women were especially hurt, as many lost their only source of income with the reduction of livestock herds.[31]

The Navajo did not understand why their centuries-old practices of raising livestock should change.[29] They were united in opposition but they were unable to stop it.[32] Historian Brian Dippie notes that the Indian Rights Association denounced Collier as a ‘dictator’ and accused him of a “near reign of terror” on the Navajo reservation. Dippie adds that, “He became an object of ‘burning hatred’ among the very people whose problems so preoccupied him.”[33] The long-term result was strong Navajo opposition to Collier’s Indian New Deal.[34]

Navajo Code Talkers in World War II

General Douglas MacArthur meeting Navajo, Pima, Pawnee and other Native American troops.

Many Navajo young people moved to cities to work in urban factories in World War II. Many Navajo men volunteered for military service in keeping with their warrior culture, and they served in integrated units. The War Department in 1940 rejected a proposal by the BIA that segregated units be created for the Indians. The Navajo gained firsthand experience with how they could assimilate into the modern world, and many did not return to the overcrowded reservation, which had few jobs.[35]

Four hundred Navajo code talkers played a famous role during World War II by relaying radio messages using their own language. The Japanese were unable to understand or decode it.[36]

In the 1940s, large quantities of uranium were discovered in Navajo land. From then into the early 21st century, the U.S. allowed mining without sufficient environmental protection for workers, waterways, and land. The Navajo have claimed high rates of death and illness from lung disease and cancer resulting from environmental contamination. Since the 1970s, legislation has helped to regulate the industry and reduce the toll, but the government has not yet offered holistic and comprehensive compensation.[37]

U.S. Marine Corps Involvement

The Navajo Code Talkers played a significant role in the history of USMC history. Using their own language they utilized a military code; for example, the Navajo word “turtle” represented a tank. In 1942, Marine staff officers composed several combat simulations and the Navajo translated it and transmitted in their dialect to another Navajo on the other line. This Navajo then translated it back in english faster than any other cryptographic facilities, which demonstrated their efficacy. As a result, General Vogel recommended their recruitment into the USMC code talker program.

Each Navajo went through basic bootcamp at Marine Corps Recruit Depot, San Diego before being assigned to Field Signal Battalion training at Camp Pendleton. Once the code talkers completed training in the States, they were sent to the Pacific for assignment to the Marine combat divisions. With that said, there was never a crack in the Navajo language, it was never deciphered. It is known that many more Navajos volunteered to become code talkers than could be accepted; however, an undetermined number of other Navajos served as Marines in the war, but not as code talkers.

These achievements of the Navajo Code Talkers have resulted in an honorable chapter in USMC history. Their patriotism and honor inevitably earned them the respect of all Americans.[38]

After 1945


Dibé (sheep) remain an important aspect of Navajo culture.

The name “Navajo” comes from the late 18th century via the Spanish (Apaches de) Navajó “(Apaches of) Navajó”, which was derived from the Tewa navahū “fields adjoining a ravine”. The Navajos call themselves Diné.[39]

Like other Apacheans, the Navajos were semi-nomadic from the 16th through the 20th centuries. Their extended kinship groups had seasonal dwelling areas to accommodate livestock, agriculture, and gathering practices. As part of their traditional economy, Navajo groups may have formed trading or raiding parties, traveling relatively long distances.

There is a system of clans which defines relationships between individuals and families. The clan system is exogamous: people can only marry (and date) partners outside their own clans, which for this purpose include the clans of their four grandparents. Some Navajo favor their children to marry into their father’s clan. While clans are associated with a geographical area, the area is not for the exclusive use of any one clan. Members of a clan may live hundreds of miles apart but still have a clan bond.[17]:xix-xxi

Historically, the structure of the Navajo society is largely a matrilineal system, in which the family of the women owned livestock, dwellings, planting areas and livestock grazing areas. Once married, a Navajo man would follow a matrilocal residence and live with his bride in her dwelling and near her mother’s family. Daughters (or, if necessary, other female relatives) were traditionally the ones who received the generational property inheritance. In cases of marital separation, women would maintain the property and children. Children are “born to” and belong to the mother’s clan, and are “born for” the father’s clan. The mother’s eldest brother has a strong role in her children’s lives. As adults, men represent their mother’s clan in tribal politics.[39]

Neither sex can live without the other in the Navajo culture. Men and women are seen as contemporary equals as both a male and female are needed to reproduce. Although women may carry a bigger burden, fertility is so highly valued that males are expected to provide economic resources (known as bride wealth). Corn is a symbol of fertility in Navajo culture as they eat white corn in the wedding ceremonies. It is considered to be immoral and/or stealing if one does not provide for the other in that premarital or marital relationship. [40]


See Navajo ethnobotany.

Traditional dwellings

A Navajo hogan (with a woodshed)

hogan, the traditional Navajo home, is built as a shelter for either a man or for a woman. Male hogans are square or conical with a distinct rectangular entrance, while a female hogan is an eight-sided house.[citation needed] Hogans are made of logs and covered in mud, with the door always facing east to welcome the sun each morning. Navajos also have several types of hogans for lodging and ceremonial use. Ceremonies, such as healing ceremonies or the kinaaldá, take place inside a hogan.[41] According to Kehoe, this style of housing is distinctive to the Navajos. She writes, “even today, a solidly constructed, log-walled Hogan is preferred by many Navajo families.” Most Navajo members today live in apartments and houses in urban areas.[42]

Those who practice the Navajo religion regard the hogan as sacred. The religious song “The Blessingway” (hózhǫ́ǫ́jí) describes the first hogan as being built by Coyote with help from Beavers to be a house for First Man, First Woman, and Talking God. The Beaver People gave Coyote logs and instructions on how to build the first hogan. Navajos made their hogans in the traditional fashion until the 1900s, when they started to make them in hexagonal and octagonal shapes. Hogans continue to be used as dwellings, especially by older Navajos, although they tend to be made with modern construction materials and techniques. Some are maintained specifically for ceremonial purposes.[citation needed]

Spiritual and religious beliefs

Navajo Yebichai (Yei Bi Chei) dancers. Edward S. Curtis. USA, 1900. The Wellcome Collection, London

Hastobíga, a Hataałii photographed in 1904 by Edward S. Curtis

Navajo spiritual practice is about restoring balance and harmony to a person’s life to produce health and is based on the ideas of Hózhóójí. The Diné believed in two classes of people: Earth People and Holy People. The Navajo people believe they passed through three worlds before arriving in this world, the Fourth World or the Glittering World. As Earth People, the Diné must do everything within their power to maintain the balance between Mother Earth and man.[43] The Diné also had the expectation of keeping a positive relationship between them and the Diyin Diné. In the Diné Bahane’ (Navajo beliefs about creation), the First, or Dark World is where the four Diyin Diné lived and where First Woman and First Man came into existence. Because the world was so dark, life could not thrive there and they had to move on. The Second, or Blue World, was inhabited by a few of the mammals Earth People know today as well as the Swallow Chief, or Táshchózhii. The First World beings had offended him and were asked to leave. From there, they headed south and arrived in the Third World, or Yellow World. The four sacred mountains were found here, but due to a great flood, First Woman, First Man, and the Holy People were forced to find another world to live in. This time, when they arrived, they stayed in the Fourth World. In the Glittering World, true death came into existence, as well as the creations of the seasons, the moon, stars, and the sun.[44]

The Holy People, or Diyin Diné, had instructed the Earth People to view the four sacred mountains as the boundaries of the homeland (Dinétah) they should never leave: Blanca Peak (Sisnaajiní — Dawn or White Shell Mountain) in Colorado; Mount Taylor (Tsoodził — Blue Bead or Turquoise Mountain) in New Mexico; the San Francisco Peaks (Dookʼoʼoosłííd — Abalone Shell Mountain) in Arizona; and Hesperus Mountain (Dibé Nitsaa — Big Mountain Sheep) in Colorado.[45] Times of day, as well as colors, are used to represent the four sacred mountains. Throughout religions, the importance of a specific number is emphasized and in the Navajo religion, the number four appears to be sacred to their practices. For example, there were four original clans of Diné, four colors and times of day, four Diyin Diné, and for the most part, four songs sung for a ritual.[45]

Navajos have many different ceremonies. For the most part, their ceremonies are to prevent or cure diseases.[46] Corn pollen is used as a blessing and as an offering during prayer.[43] One half of major Navajo song ceremonial complex is the Blessing Way (Hózhǫ́ǫ́jí) and other half is the Enemy Way (Anaʼí Ndááʼ). The Blessing Way ceremonies are based on establishing “peace, harmony, and good things exclusively” within the Dine. The Enemy Way, or Evil Way ceremonies are concerned with counteracting influences that come from outside the Dine.[46] Spiritual healing ceremonies are rooted in Navajo traditional stories. One of them, the Night Chant ceremony, is conducted over several days and involves up to 24 dancers. The ceremony requires the dancers to wear buckskin masks, as do many of the other Navajo ceremonies, and they all represent specific gods.[46] The purpose of the Night Chant is to purify the patients and heal them through prayers to the spirit-beings. Each day of the ceremony entails the performance of certain rites and the creation of detailed sand paintings. One of the songs describes the home of the thunderbirds:

In Tsegihi [White House],
In the house made of the dawn,
In the house made of the evening light[47]

The ceremonial leader proceeds by asking the Holy People to be present in the beginning of the ceremony, then identifying the patient with the power of the spirit-being, and describing the patient’s transformation to renewed health with lines such as, “Happily I recover.”[48]

Ceremonies are used to correct curses that cause some illnesses or misfortunes. People may complain of witches who do harm to the minds, bodies, and families of innocent people,[49] though these matters are rarely discussed in detail with those outside of the community.[50]


Visual arts


Squash blossom necklace

19th-century Navajo jewelry with the popular concho and dragonfly designs.

Silversmithing is an important art form among Navajos. Atsidi Sani (c. 1830–c. 1918) is considered to be the first Navajo silversmith. He learned silversmithing from a Mexican man called Nakai Tsosi (“Thin Mexican”) around 1878 and began teaching other Navajos how to work with silver.[51] By 1880, Navajo silversmiths were creating handmade jewelry including bracelets, tobacco flasks, necklaces and bracers. Later, they added silver earringsbucklesbolos, hair ornaments, pins and squash blossom necklaces for tribal use, and to sell to tourists as a way to supplement their income.[52]

The Navajos’ hallmark jewelry piece called the “squash blossom” necklace first appeared in the 1880s. The term “squash blossom” was apparently attached to the name of the Navajo necklace at an early date, although its bud-shaped beads are thought to derive from Spanish-Mexican pomegranate designs.[53] The Navajo silversmiths also borrowed the “naja” (najahe in Navajo)[54] symbol to shape the silver pendant that hangs from the “squash blossom” necklace.

Turquoise has been part of jewelry for centuries, but Navajo artists did not use inlay techniques to insert turquoise into silver designs until the late 19th century.


Navajo weaver with sheep

Navajo Germantown Eye Dazzler Rug, Science History Institute

Probably Bayeta-style Blanket with Terrace and Stepped Design, 1870–1880, 50.67.54, Brooklyn Museum

Navajos came to the southwest with their own weaving traditions; however, they learned to weave cotton on upright looms from Pueblo peoples. The first Spaniards to visit the region wrote about seeing Navajo blankets. By the 18th century the Navajos had begun to import Bayeta red yarn to supplement local black, grey, and white wool, as well as wool dyed with indigo. Using an upright loom, the Navajos made extremely fine utilitarian blankets that were collected by Ute and Plains Indians. These Chief’s Blankets, so called because only chiefs or very wealthy individuals could afford them, were characterized by horizontal stripes and minimal patterning in red. First Phase Chief’s Blankets have only horizontal stripes, Second Phase feature red rectangular designs, and Third Phase feature red diamonds and partial diamond patterns.

The completion of the railroads dramatically changed Navajo weaving. Cheap blankets were imported, so Navajo weavers shifted their focus to weaving rugs for an increasingly non-Native audience. Rail service also brought in Germantown wool from Philadelphia, commercially dyed wool which greatly expanded the weavers’ color palettes.

Some early European-American settlers moved in and set up trading posts, often buying Navajo rugs by the pound and selling them back east by the bale. The traders encouraged the locals to weave blankets and rugs into distinct styles. These included “Two Gray Hills” (predominantly black and white, with traditional patterns); Teec Nos Pos (colorful, with very extensive patterns); “Ganado” (founded by Don Lorenzo Hubbell[55]), red-dominated patterns with black and white; “Crystal” (founded by J. B. Moore); oriental and Persian styles (almost always with natural dyes); “Wide Ruins”, “Chinlee”, banded geometric patterns; “Klagetoh”, diamond-type patterns; “Red Mesa” and bold diamond patterns.[56] Many of these patterns exhibit a fourfold symmetry, which is thought to embody traditional ideas about harmony or hózhǫ́.

In the media

In 2000 the documentary The Return of Navajo Boy was shown at the Sundance Film Festival. It was written in response to an earlier film, The Navajo Boy which was somewhat exploitative of those Navajos involved. The Return of Navajo Boy allowed the Navajos to be more involved in the depictions of themselves.[57]

In the final episode of the third season of the FX reality TV show 30 Days, the show’s producer Morgan Spurlock spends thirty days living with a Navajo family on their reservation in New Mexico. The July 2008 show called “Life on an Indian Reservation”, depicts the dire conditions that many Native Americans experience living on reservations in the United States.[citation needed]

Tony Hillerman wrote a series of detective novels whose detective characters were members of the Navajo Tribal Police. The novels are noted for incorporating details about Navajo culture, and in some cases expand focus to include nearby Hopi and Zuni characters and cultures, as well.[citation needed] Four of the novels have been adapted for film/TV. His daughter has continued the novel series after his death.

In 1997, Welsh author Eirug Wyn published the Welsh-language novel “I Ble’r Aeth Haul y Bore?” (“Where did the Morning Sun go?” in English) which tells the story of Carson’s misdoings against the Navajo people from the point of view of a fictional young Navajo woman called “Haul y Bore” (“Morning Sun” in English).[58]

Notable people with Navajo ancestry

General Douglas MacArthur meeting Navajos, PimaPawnee and other Native American troops.

James and Ernie, a Navajo comedy duo and actors.




  • Henry Chee Dodge, first Navajo Chairman and modern Navajo leader, (1922–1928, 1942–1946).
  • Lilakai Julian Neil, first woman elected to Navajo Tribal Council (1946–1951)
  • Mark Maryboy (Aneth/Red Mesa/Mexican Water), former Navajo Nation Council Delegate, working in Utah Navajo Investments
  • Annie Dodge Wauneka, former Navajo Tribal Councilwoman
  • Peter MacDonald, former Navajo Tribal Chairman
  • Kenneth Maryboy (Aneth/Red Mesa/Mexican Water), helped initiate the Navajo Santa Program for poverty stricken Navajo families
  • Joe Shirley, Jr., former President of the Navajo Nation
  • Ben Shelly, former Navajo Nation President
  • Chris Deschene – veteran, an attorney, an engineer, and a community leader. One of few Native Americans to be accepted into the U.S. Naval Academy in Annapolis. Upon graduation, he was commissioned as a 2nd Lt. in the U.S. Marine Corps. He made an unsuccessful attempt to run for Navajo Nation President.
  • Peterson Zah – the first Navajo President and the last Chairman of the Navajo Nation.[60]


  1. Jump up to:a b Donovan, Bill. “Census: Navajo enrollment tops 300,000.” Navajo Times 7 July 2011 (retrieved 8 July 2011)
  2. ^ “Arizona’s Native American Tribes: Navajo Nation.” Archived 2012-01-01 at the Wayback Machine University of Arizona, Tucson Economic Development Research Program. Retrieved 19 Jan 2011.
  3. ^ American FactfinderUnited States Census Bureau
  4. ^ Watkins, Thayer. “Discovery of the Athabascan Origin of the Apache and Navajo Language.” San Jose State University. (retrieved 28 Nov 2010)
  5. ^ First Peoples’ Cultural Foundation “About Our Language.” First Voices: Dene Welcome Page. 2010 (retrieved 28 Nov 2010)
  6. ^ Samuel J. Supalla (1992) The Book of Name Signs, p. 22
  7. ^ Pritzker, 52
  8. ^ For example, the Great Canadian Parks website suggests the Navajo may be descendants of the lost Naha tribe, a Slavey tribe from the Nahanni region west of Great Slave Lake. “Nahanni National Park Reserve”. Great Canadian Parks. Retrieved 2007-07-02.
  9. ^ Iverson, Nez, and Deer, 19
  10. ^ Iverson, Nez, and Deer, 62
  11. ^ Hosteen Klah, page 102 and others
  12. Jump up to:a b c d Correll, J. Lee (1976). Through White Men’s Eyes: A contribution to Navajo History(Book)|format= requires |url= (help). Window Rock, AZ: The Navajo Times Publishing Company.
  13. ^ Pages 133 to 140 and 152 to 154, Sides, Blood and Thunder
  14. ^ Stat. 974
  15. ^ Simpson, James H, edited and annotated by Frank McNitt, foreword by Durwood Ball, Navaho Expedition: Journal of a Military Reconnaissance from Santa Fe, New Mexico, to the Navajo Country, Made in 1849, University of Oklahoma Press (1964), trade paperback (2003), 296 pages, ISBN 0-8061-3570-0
  16. ^ Thompson, Gerald (1976). The Army and the Navajo: The Bosque Redondo Reservation Experiment 1863–1868. Tucson, Arizona: The University of Arizona Press. ISBN 9780816504954.
  17. Jump up to:a b Compiled (1973). Roessel, Ruth (ed.). Navajo Stories of the Long Walk Period. Tsaile, Arizona: Navajo Community College Press. ISBN 0-912586-16-8.
  18. ^ George Bornstein, “The Fearing Time: Telling the tales of Indian slavery in American history”, Times Literary Supplement, 20 October 2017 p. 29 (review of Andrés Reséndez, The Other Slavery: The Uncovered Story of Indian Enslavement in America, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, ISBN 9780547640983).
  19. ^ Marei Bouknight and others, Guide to Records in the Military Archives Division Pertaining to Indian-White Relations, GSA National Archives, 1972
  20. ^ Ford, “September 30, 1887 Letter to Acting Assistant General,” District of New Mexico, National Archive Materials, Navajo Tribal Museum, Window Rock, Arizona
  21. ^ Kerr, “February 18, 1887 letter to Acting Assistant General,” District of New Mexico, National Archive Materials, Navajo Tribal Museum, Window Rock, Arizona.
  22. ^ Scott,” June 22, 1887 letter to Acting Assistant General,” District of New Mexico, National Archive Materials, Navajo Tribal Museum, Window Rock, Arizona
  23. ^ “Fort Defiance Chapter”FORT DEFIANCE CHAPTER. Retrieved 31 May 2017.
  24. Jump up to:a b McCarty, T.L.; Bia, Fred (2002). A Place to be Navajo: Rough Rock and the Struggle for Self-Determination in Indigenous Schooling. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. p. 42. ISBN 0-8058-3760-4.
  25. ^ McCarty, T.L.; Bia, Fred (2002). A Place to be Navajo: Rough Rock and the Struggle for Self-Determination in Indigenous Schooling. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. pp. 44–5. ISBN 0-8058-3760-4.
  26. ^ McCarty, T.L.; Bia, Fred (2002). A Place to be Navajo: Rough Rock and the Struggle for Self-Determination in Indigenous Schooling. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. p. 48. ISBN 0-8058-3760-4.
  27. ^ McCarty, T.L.; Bia, Fred (2002). A Place to be Navajo: Rough Rock and the Struggle for Self-Determination in Indigenous Schooling. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. pp. 50–1. ISBN 0-8058-3760-4.
  28. ^ Peter Iverson, Dine: A History of the Navajos, 2002, University of New Mexico Press, Chapter 5, “our People Cried”: 1923–1941.
  29. Jump up to:a b Compiled (1974). Roessel, Ruth (ed.). Navajo Livestock Reduction: A National Disgrace. Tsaile, Arizona: Navajo Community College Press. ISBN 0-912586-18-4.
  30. ^ Peter Iverson (2002). “For Our Navajo People”: Diné Letters, Speeches & Petitions, 1900-1960. U of New Mexico Press. p. 250. ISBN 9780826327185.
  31. ^ Weisiger, Marsha (2007). “Gendered Injustice: Navajo Livestock Reduction in the New Deal Era”Western Historical Quarterly. 38 (4): 437–455. doi:10.2307/25443605JSTOR 25443605.
  32. ^ Richard White, ch 13: “The Navajos become Dependent” (1988). The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change Among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos. U of Nebraska Press. pp. 300ff. ISBN 0803297246.
  33. ^ Brian W. Dippie, The Vanishing American: White Attitudes and U.S. Indian Policy (1991) pp 333–336, quote p 335
  34. ^ Donald A. Grinde Jr, “Navajo Opposition to the Indian New Deal.” Integrated Education(1981) 19#3–6 pp: 79–87.
  35. ^ Alison R. Bernstein, American Indians and World War II: Toward a New Era in Indian Affairs, (University of Oklahoma Press, 1999) pp 40, 67, 132, 152
  36. ^ Bernstein, American Indians and World War II pp 46–49
  37. ^ Judy Pasternak, Yellow Dirt- An American Story of a Poisoned Land and a People Betrayed, Free Press, New York, 2010.
  38. ^ Marine Corps. University, NAVAJO CODE TALKERS IN WORLD WAR II, USMC History Division, 2006.
  39. Jump up to:a b Kluckholm, Clyde; Leighton, Dorothea (1974). The Navaho. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-6060-3-5.
  40. ^ Lauren Del Carlo, Between the Sacred Mountains: A Cultural History of the Dineh, Essai, Volume 5: Article 15, 2007.
  41. ^ Iverson, Nez, and Deer, 23
  42. ^ Kehoe, 133
  43. Jump up to:a b “Navajo Cultural History and Legends” Retrieved 2016-05-31.
  44. ^ “The Story of the Emergence” Retrieved 2016-05-31.
  45. Jump up to:a b “Navajo Culture” Retrieved 2016-05-31.
  46. Jump up to:a b c Wyman, Leland (1983). “Navajo Ceremonial System” (PDF). Smithsonian Institution. Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 March 2016. Retrieved 31 May 2016.
  47. ^ Sandner, 88
  48. ^ Sandner, 90
  49. ^ Kluckhohn, Clyde (1967). Navaho Witchcraft. Boston: Beacon Press. 080704697-3.
  50. ^ Keene, Dr. Adrienne, “Magic in North America Part 1: Ugh.” at Native Appropriations“, 8 March 2016. Accessed 9 April 2016: “What happens when Rowling pulls this in, is we as Native people are now opened up to a barrage of questions about these beliefs and traditions … but these are not things that need or should be discussed by outsiders. At all. I’m sorry if that seems “unfair,” but that’s how our cultures survive.”
  51. ^ Adair 4
  52. ^ Adair 135
  53. ^ Adair 44
  54. ^ Adair, 9
  55. ^ “Hubbell Trading Post National Historic Site” White Mountains Online. (retrieved 28 Nov 2010)
  56. ^ Denver Art Museum. “Blanket Statements”Traditional Fine Arts Organization.(retrieved 28 Nov 2010)
  57. ^ “Synopsis” Archived from the original on February 8, 2009. Retrieved 2009-02-26.
  58. ^ “I Ble’r Aeth Haul y Bore? (9780862434359) | Eirug Wyn | Y Lolfa” Retrieved 2019-08-01.
  59. ^ “Klee Benally” Retrieved 2012-01-31.
  60. ^ Peterson Zah Biography


Further reading

  • Bailey, L. R. (1964). The Long Walk: A History of the Navaho Wars, 1846–1868.
  • Bighorse, Tiana (1990). Bighorse the Warrior. Ed. Noel Bennett, Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
  • Brugge, David M. (1968). Navajos in the Catholic Church Records of New Mexico 1694–1875. Window Rock, Arizona: Research Section, The Navajo Tribe.
  • Clarke, Dwight L. (1961). Stephen Watts Kearny: Soldier of the West. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press.
  • Downs, James F. (1972). The Navajo. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.
  • Left Handed (1967) [1938]. Son of Old Man Hat. recorded by Walter Dyk. Lincoln, Nebraska: Bison Books & University of Nebraska Press. LCCN 67004921.
  • Forbes, Jack D. (1960). Apache, Navajo and Spaniard. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press. LCCN 60013480.
  • Hammond, George P. and Rey, Agapito (editors) (1940). Narratives of the Coronado Expedition 1540–1542. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
  • Iverson, Peter (2002). Diné: A History of the Navahos. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. ISBN 0-8263-2714-1.
  • Kelly, Lawrence (1970). Navajo Roundup Pruett Pub. Co., Colorado.
  • Linford, Laurence D. (2000). Navajo Places: History, Legend, Landscape. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. ISBN 978-0-87480-624-3
  • McNitt, Frank (1972). Navajo Wars. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
  • Plog, Stephen Ancient Peoples of the American Southwest. Thames and London, LTD, London, England, 1997. ISBN 0-500-27939-X.
  • Roessel, Ruth (editor) (1973). Navajo Stories of the Long Walk Period. Tsaile, Arizona: Navajo Community College Press.
  • Roessel, Ruth, ed. (1974). Navajo Livestock Reduction: A National Disgrace. Tsaile, Arizona: Navajo Community College Press. ISBN 0-912586-18-4.
  • Voyles, Traci Brynne (2015). Wastelanding: Legacies of Uranium Mining in Navajo Country. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.
  • Witherspoon, Gary (1977). Language and Art in the Navajo Universe. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
  • Witte, Daniel. Removing Classrooms from the Battlefield: Liberty, Paternalism, and the Redemptive Promise of Educational Choice, 2008 BYU Law Review 377 The Navajo and Richard Henry Pratt
  • Zaballos, Nausica (2009). Le système de santé navajo. Paris: L’Harmattan.

External links

Diné or Naabeehó


different than

The Nez Perce (/ˌnɛzˈpɜːrs/autonymNiimíipuu, meaning “the walking people” or “we, the people”)[2] are an Indigenous people of the Plateau who have lived on the Columbia River Plateau in the Pacific Northwest region for at least 11,500 years.[3]

Members of the Sahaptin language group,[4] the Niimíipuu were the dominant people of the Columbia Plateau for much of that time,[5] especially after acquiring the horses that led them to breed the appaloosa horse in the 18th century.

Prior to “first contact” with Western civilization the Nimiipuu were economically and culturally influential in trade and war, interacting with other indigenous nations in a vast network from the western shores of Oregon and Washington, the high plains of Montana, and the northern Great Basin in southern Idaho and northern Nevada.[6][7]

French explorers and trappers indiscriminately used and popularized the name “Nez Percé” for the Niimíipuu and nearby Chinook. The name translates as “pierced nose“, but only the Chinook used that form of body modification.[8]

Today they are a federally recognized tribe, the Nez Perce Tribe of Idaho, and govern their Indian reservation in Idaho through a central government headquartered in Lapwai, Idaho known as the Nez Perce Tribal Executive Committee (NPTEC).[9][10] They are one of five federally recognized tribes in the state of Idaho. Some still speak their traditional language, and the Tribe owns and operates two casinos along the Clearwater River in Idaho in Kamiah, Idaho and outside of Lewiston, Idaho, health clinics, a police force and court, community centers, salmon fisheries, radio station, and other things that promote economic and cultural self-determination.[11]

Cut off from most of their horticultural sites throughout the Camas Prairie[3] by an 1863 treaty,[8] confinement to reservations in Idaho, Washington and Oklahoma Indian Territory after the Nez Perce War of 1877, and Dawes Act of 1887 land allotments (today some Nez Perce lease land to farmers or loggers, but the Nez Perce only own 12% of their own reservation),[12] the Nez Perce remain as a distinct culture and political economic influence within and outside their reservation.[13][14][15][16] Today, hatching, harvesting and eating salmon is an important cultural and economic strength of the Nez Perce through full ownership or co-management of various salmon fish hatcheries, such as the Kooskia National Fish Hatchery in Kooskia, Idaho or the Dworshak National Fish Hatchery in Orofino, Idaho.[17][18][19]

Name and history

Nez Perce baby in cradleboard, 1911

Their name for themselves is Nimíipuu (pronounced [nimiːpuː]), meaning, “The People”, in their language, part of the Sahaptin family.[20]

Nez Percé is an exonym given by French Canadian fur traders who visited the area regularly in the late 18th century, meaning literally “pierced nose”. English-speaking traders and settlers adopted the name in turn. Since the late 20th century, the Nez Perce identify most often as Niimíipuu in Sahaptin.[20] The Lakota/ Dakota named them the Watopala, or Canoe people, from Watopa. However, after Nez Perce became a more common name, they changed it to Watopahlute. This comes from pahlute, nasal passage and is simply a play on words. If translated literally, it would come out as either “Nasal Passage of the Canoe” (Watopa-pahlute) or “Nasal Passage of the Grass” (Wato-pahlute).[21] The Assiniboine called them Pasú oȟnógA wįcaštA, the Arikara sinitčiškataríwiš.[22] The tribe also uses the term “Nez Perce”, as does the United States Government in its official dealings with them, and contemporary historians. Older historical ethnological works and documents use the French spelling of Nez Percé, with the diacritic. The original French pronunciation is [ne pɛʁse], with three syllables.

The interpreter of the Lewis and Clark Expedition mistakenly identified this people as the Nez Perce when the team encountered the tribe in 1805. Writing in 1889, anthropologist Alice Fletcher, who the U.S. government had sent to Idaho to allot the Nez Perce Reservation, explained the mistaken naming. She wrote,

It is never easy to come at the name of an Indian or even of an Indian tribe. A tribe has always at least two names; one they call themselves by and one by which they are known to other tribes. All the tribes living west of the Rocky Mountains were called “Chupnit-pa-lu”, which means people of the pierced noses; it also means emerging from the bushes or forest; the people from the woods. The tribes on the Columbia river used to pierce the nose and wear in it some ornament as you have seen some old fashioned white ladies wear in their ears. Lewis and Clark had with them an interpreter whose wife was a Shoshone or Snake woman and so it came about that when it was asked “What Indians are these?” the answer was “They are ‘Chupnit-pa-lu'” and it was written down in the journal; spelled rather queerly, for white people’s ears do not always catch Indian tones and of course the Indians could not spell any word.[23]

In his journals, William Clark referred to the people as the Chopunnish /ˈpənɪʃ/, a transliteration of a Sahaptin term. According to D.E. Walker in 1998, writing for the Smithsonian, this term is an adaptation of the term cú·pʼnitpeľu (the Nez Perce people). The term is formed from cú·pʼnit (piercing with a pointed object) and peľu (people).[24] By contrast, the Nez Perce Language Dictionary[25] has a different analysis than did Walker for the term cúpnitpelu. The prefix – means “in single file”. This prefix, combined with the verb -piní, “to come out (e.g. of forest, bushes, ice)”. Finally, with the suffix of -pelú, meaning “people or inhabitants of”. Together, these three elements: – + –piní + pelú = cúpnitpelu, or “the People Walking Single File Out of the Forest”.[26] Nez Perce oral tradition indicates the name “Cuupn’itpel’uu” meant “we walked out of the woods or walked out of the mountains” and referred to the time before the Nez Perce had horses.[27]


The Nez Perce language, or Niimiipuutímt, is a Sahaptian language related to the several dialects of Sahaptin. The Sahaptian sub-family is one of the branches of the Plateau Penutian family, which in turn may be related to a larger Penutian grouping.

Aboriginal territory

Original Nez Perce territory (green) and the reduced reservation of 1863 (brown)

The Nez Perce territory at the time of Lewis and Clark (1804–1806) was approximately 17,000,000 acres (69,000 km2) and covered parts of present-day WashingtonOregonMontana, and Idaho, in an area surrounding the Snake (Weyikespe)Grande Ronde RiverSalmon (Naco’x kuus) (“Chinook salmon Water”) and the Clearwater (Koos-Kai-Kai) (“Clear Water”) rivers. The tribal area extended from the Bitterroots in the east (the door to the Northwestern Plains of Montana) to the Blue Mountains in the west between latitudes 45°N and 47°N.[28]

In 1800, the Nez Perce had more than 100 permanent villages, ranging from 50 to 600 individuals, depending on the season and social grouping. Archeologists have identified a total of about 300 related sites including camps and villages, mostly in the Salmon River Canyon. In 1805, the Nez Perce were the largest tribe on the Columbia River Plateau, with a population of about 6,000. By the beginning of the 20th century, the Nez Perce had declined to about 1,800 due to epidemics, conflicts with non-Indians, and other factors.[29] A total of 3,499 Nez Perce were counted in the 2010 Census.[1]

Like other Plateau tribes, the Nez Perce had seasonal villages and camps to take advantage of natural resources throughout the year. Their migration followed a recurring pattern from permanent winter villages through several temporary camps, nearly always returning to the same locations each year. The Nez Perce traveled via the Lolo Trail (Salish: Naptnišaqs – “Nez Perce Trail”) (Khoo-say-ne-ise-kit) far east as the Plains (Khoo-sayn / Kuseyn) (“Buffalo country”) of Montana to hunt buffalo (Qoq’a lx) and as far west as the Pacific Coast (’Eteyekuus) (“Big Water”). Before 1957 construction of The Dalles Dam, which flooded this area, Celilo Falls (Silayloo) was a favored location on the Columbia River (Xuyelp) (“The Great River”) for salmon (lé’wliks)-fishing.

Enemies and Allies

The Nez Perce had many allies and trading partners among neighboring peoples, but also enemies and ongoing antagonist tribes. To the north of them lived the Coeur d’Alene (Schitsu’umsh) (’Iskíicu’mix), Spokane (Sqeliz) (Heyéeynimuu), and further north the Kalispel (Ql̓ispé) (Qem’éespel’uu, both meaning “Camas People”), Colville (Páapspaloo) and Kootenay / Kootenai (Ktunaxa) (Kuuspel’úu), to the northwest lived the Palus (Pelúucpuu) and to the west the Cayuse (Lik-si-yu) (Weyíiletpuu – “Ryegrass People”), west bound there were found the Umatilla (Imatalamłáma) (Hiyówatalampoo), Walla WallaWasco (Wecq’úupuu) and Sk’in (Tike’éspel’uu) and northwest of the latter various Yakama bands (Lexéyuu), to the south lived the Snake Indians (various Northern Paiute (Numu) bands (Hey’ǘuxcpel’uu) in the southwest and Bannock (Nimi Pan a’kwati)Northern Shoshone (Newe) bands[30] (Tiwélqe) in the southeast), to the east lived the Lemhi Shoshone (Lémhaay), north of them the Bitterroot Salish / Flathead (Seliš) (Séelix), further east and northeast on the Northern Plains were the Crow (Apsáalooke) (’Isúuxe) and two powerful alliances – the Iron Confedery (Nehiyaw-Pwat) (named after the dominating Plains and Woods Cree (Paskwāwiyiniwak and Sakāwithiniwak) and Assiniboine (Nakoda) (Wihnen’íipel’uu), an alliance of northern plains Native American nations based around the fur trade, and later included the Stoney (Nakoda)Western Saulteaux / Plains Ojibwe (Bungi or Nakawē), and Métis) and the Blackfoot Confederacy (Niitsitapi or Siksikaitsitapi) (’Isq’óyxnix) (composed of three Blackfoot speaking peoples – the Piegan or Peigan (Piikáni), the Kainai or Bloods (Káínaa), and the Siksika or Blackfoot (Siksikáwa), later joined by the unrelated Sarcee (Tsuu T’ina) and (for a time) by Gros Ventre or Atsina (A’aninin)).[31]

Historic regional bands, bands, local groups, and villages

  • Almotipu Band
Territories along Snake River in Hells Canyon up to about 80 miles south of today’s Lewiston, Idaho (Simiinekem – “confluence of two rivers” or “river fork”, as the Clearwater flows into the Snake River here), in Wallowa Mountains and in the Seven Devils Mountains in Oregon and Idaho. Their fishing and hunting grounds were also used by the Pelloatpallah Band (comprising the “Palus (or Palus proper) Band” and “Wawawai Band” of the Upper Palus Regional Band), who formed bilingual Palus-Nez-Percé bands due to many mixed marriages.
several village based bands are counted among them:

  • the Nuksiwepu Band
  • the Palótpu Band (their village Palót was on the north bank of the Snake River – about 2 to 3 miles above Sáhatp)
  • the Pinewewixpu (Pinăwăwipu) Band (their village Pinăwăwi was located at Penawawa Creek)
  • the Sahatpu (Sáhatpu) Band (their village Sáhatp was located on the north bank of the Snake River, above Wawáwih)
  • the Siminekempu (Shimínĕkĕmpu) Band (their village Shimínĕkĕm – “confluence”, was located in the area of present-day Lewiston)
  • the Tokalatoinu (Tukálatuinu) Band (along the Tucannon River (Took-kahl-la-toin), a tributary of the Snake River)
  • the Wawawipu Band (their village Wawáwih was located at Wawawai Creek, a tributary of the Snake River)
  • Alpowna (Alpowai) Band or Alpowe’ma (Alpoweyma/Alpowamino) Band (“People along Alpaha (Alpowa) Creek” or “People of ’Al’pawawaii, i.e. Clarkston“)
Territories along the South and Middle Fork of the Clearwater River downstream to the city of Lewiston (and south of it) in eastern Washington and the Idaho Panhandle. They also spent much time east of the Bitterroot Mountains and camped along the Yellowstone River, their main meeting place and one of the most important fishing grounds was the area of Kooskia, Idaho (Leewikees). Their fishing and hunting grounds were also used by the “Wawawai Band” of the Upper Palus Regional Band, who lived directly to the west and formed a bilingual Palus-Nez-Percé Band due to many intermarriages. They were the third largest Nez Percé regional group and their tribal area was one of the four centres for the large regional groups of the Nez Percé.
several village based bands are counted among them:

  • the Alpowna (Alpowai) Band or Alpowe’ma (Alpoweyma/Alpowamino) Band (largest and most important band, along the Alpaha (Alpowa) Creek, a small tributary of the Clearwater), west of Clarkston, Washington (‘Al’pawawaii = People of a “place of a plant called Ahl-pa-ha”)
  • the Tsokolaikiinma Band (between Lewiston and Alpowa Creek)
  • the Hasotino (Hăsotōinu) Band (their settlement Hasutin / Hăsotōin was an important fishing ground at Asotin Creek (Héesutine – “eel river”) on the Snake River in Nez Perce County, Idaho, directly opposite the present town of Asotin, Washington)
    • the Heswéiwewipu/Hăsweiwăwihpu local group (their village Hăsweiwăwih was also located opposite Asotin, along a small creek whose upper reaches were called Heswé/Hăsiwĕ)
    • the Anatōinnu local group (their village Ánatōin was located at the confluence of Mill Creek and the Snake River)
  • the Sapachesap Band
  • the Witkispu Band (about 3 miles below Alpowa Creek, along the eastern bank of the Snake River)
  • the Sálwepu Band (at the Middle Fork of the Clearwater River, about 5 miles above present-day Kooskia, Idaho, Chief Looking Glass Group)
  • Assuti Band (“People along Assuti Creek” in Idaho, joined Chief Joseph in the war of 1877.)
  • Atskaaiwawipu Band or Asahkaiowaipu Band (“People at the confluence, People from the river mouth, i.e. Ahsahka“)
Territories from their winter village Ahsahka/Asaqa (“river mouth” or “confluence”) up to the Salmon Ridge along the North Fork Clearwater River up to its mouth into the Clearwater River, hunted sometimes near Peck, Idaho (Pipyuuninma) in the territory of the Painima Band. An important fishing ground was Bruce Eddy in Clearwater County, Idaho, which was traditionally owned by the Atskaaiwawipu (Asahkaiowaipu), but was shared by neighboring bands upon invitation: the Tewepu Band, the Ilasotino (Hasotino) Band, the Nipihama (Nipĕhĕmă) Band, the Alpowna (Alpowai) Band and the Matalaimo (“People further upstream”, a collective term for bands that had their center around Kamiah).
  • Hatweme (Hatwēme) Band or Hatwai (Héetwey) Band (“People along Hatweh Creek”, a tributary of the Clearwater River, about four to five miles east of Lewiston)
  • Hinsepu Band (lived along the Grande Ronde River in Oregon.)
  • Kămiăhpu Band or Kimmooenim Band (“People of Kămiăhp”, “People of the Many Rope Litters Place, i.e. Kamiah“)
Their main village Kămiăhp was located on the south side of the Clearwater River and the confluence of Lawyer Creek near today’s Kamiah, Idaho (“many rope litters”) in the Kamiah Valley. They used with other bands the important fishing grounds near Bruce Eddy in Clearwater County, Idaho, which was in the territory of the Atskaaiwawipu (Asahkaiowaipu) Band. Other Nez Perce bands often grouped them under the collective name Uyame or Uyămă; the closely related and neighboring Atskaaiwawipu (Asahkaiowaipu) Band referred to all bands around Kamiah as Matalaimo (“People further upstream”). Their tribal area was one of the four centers for the major regional groups of the Nez Percé.
several village based bands are counted among them:

  • the Kămiăhpu (Kimmooenim) Band (was the biggest and most important band of the Kamiah Valley area)
  • the Tewepu Band (“People of Téewe, i.e. Orofino, Idaho” at the confluence of Orofino Creek and Clearwater River)
  • the Tuke’liklikespu (Tukē’lĭklĭkespu) Band (near Big Eddy on the north bank of the Clearwater River, some miles upstream from Orofino)
  • the Pipu’inimu Band (at Big Canyon Creek in Camas Prairie, which flows into the Clearwater River north of today’s Peck; they were therefore direct neighbours of the southern Painima Band),
  • the Painima Band (near present-day Peck, Idaho (Pipyuuninma) in Nez Perce County, on the Clearwater River in Idaho)
  • Kannah Band or Kam’nakka Band (“People of Kannah (along Clearwater River)” in Idaho)
  • Lamtáma (Lamátta) Band or Lamatama Band (“People of a region with little snow, i.e. Lamtáma (Lamátta) region”)
Territories were between the Alpowai Band in the north and downstream in the northwest the Pikunan (Pikunin) Band and extended in the Idaho Panhandle north along the Upper Salmon River (Naco’x kuus – “Salmon River”) and one of its tributaries, the White Bird Creek, and to the Snake River in the southwest, and also included the White Bird Canyon (deeper than the Grand Canyon) in the southwest of the Clearwater Mountains and southeast of the Camas prairie. Their tribal area and band name is derived from Lamtáma (Lamátta) (“area with little snow”) and refers to its excellent climatic conditions, which were particularly suitable for horse breeding. They were the second largest Nez Percé regional group; also called Salmon River Band.

  • the Esnime (Iyăsnimă) Band (along Slate Creek (‘Iyeesnime) and Upper Salmon River, therefore often simply called Slate Creek Band or Upper Salmon River Indians)
  • the Nipihama (Nipĕhĕmă) Band (from Lower Salmon River to White Bird Creek)
  • the Tamanmu Band (their settlement Tamanma was located at the mouth of the Salmon River in Idaho)
  • Lapwai Band or Lapwēme Band (“People of the Butterfly Place, i.e. Lapwai“)
Territories along Sweetwater Creek and Lapwai Creek up to its confluence with the Clearwater River near today’s Spalding, Idaho. One of their traditional settlements (as well as an important meeting place for neighbouring bands) was on the site of today’s Lapwai, Idaho (Thlap-Thlap, also: Léepwey – “Place of the Butterflies”), the tribal and administrative centre of the Nez Percé Tribe of Idaho. Their tribal area was one of the four centers for the major regional groups of the Nez Percé.
  • Mákapu Band (“People from Máka/Maaqa along Cottonwood Creek (formerly: Maka Creek”), a tributary of the Clearwater River, Idaho.)
  • Pikunan (Pikunin) Band or Pikhininmu Band (“Snake River People”)
Territories encompassed the vast mountain wilderness between the Snake River in the south and the Lower Salmon River in the north until it met the Snake River, were direct neighbours of the Wallowa (Willewah) Band on the opposite bank of the Snake River in the west and the Lamtáma (Lamátta) Band living further southeast of them. They could be classified as buffalo hunters, but they were also true mountain dwellers, also called the Snake River tribe.
  • Saiksaikinpu Band (on the upper portion of the Southern Fork Clearwater; their immediate neighbors downstream was the Tukpame Band)
  • Saxsano Band (about 4 miles above Asotin, Washington, on the east side of Snake River.)
  • Taksehepu Band (“People of Tukeespe/Tu-kehs-pa APS, i.e. Ghost town Agatha”)
  • Tukpame Band (on the lower portion of the Southern Fork Clearwater; their immediate neighbors upstream was the Saiksaikinpu Band.)
  • Wallowa (Willewah) Band or Walwáma (Walwáama) Band (“People along the Wallowa River” or “People along the Grand Ronde River”)[32][33][34]
Territories in northeastern Oregon and northwestern Idaho with tribal centre in the river valleys of the Imnaha River, the Minam River and the Wallowa River (Wal’awa – “the winding river”). Their territory extended into the Blue Mountains (already claimed by the Cayuse) in the west, to the Wallowa Mountains in the southwest, to both sides of the Grande Ronde River (Waliwa or Willewah) and its confluence with the Snake River in the north, and almost to the Snake River in the east. Their area was widely known as an excellent grazing ground for the large herds of horses and was therefore often used by the neighbouring and related Weyiiletpuu (Wailetpu) Band (“Ryegrass People, i.e. the Cayuse people). They were often grouped under the collective name Kămúinnu or Qéemuynu (“People of the Indian Hemp“). They were the largest Nez Percé group and their tribal area was one of the four centers for the major regional groups of the Nez Percé. Today most part of the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation.
several village based bands are counted among them:

  • the Wallowa (Willewah) Band (the largest band with several local groups, in the Wallowa River Valley and Zumwalt Prairie)
  • the Imnáma (Imnámma) Band (lived with several local groups isolated in the Imnaha River Valley)
  • the Weliwe (Wewi’me) Band (their settlement Williwewix was located at the mouth of the Grande Ronde River)
  • the Inantoinu Band (in Joseph Canyon – known as Saqánma (“long, wild canyon”) or an-an-a-soc-um (“long, rough canyon”) – and along Lower Joseph Creek to its mouth into the Grande Ronde River)
  • the Toiknimapu Band (above Joseph Creek and along the north bank of the Grande Ronde River)
  • the Isäwisnemepu (Isawisnemepu) Band (near the present Zindel, at the Grande Ronde River in Oregon)
  • the Sakánma Band (several local groups along the Snake River between the mouth of the Salmon River in the south and the Grande Ronde River in the north, the name of their main village Sakán and the band name Sakánma refers to an area where the cliffs rise close to the water – this could be Joseph Canyon (Saqánma))
  • Yakama Band or Yăkámă Band (“People of the Yăká River, i.e.Potlatch River (above its mouth into the Clearwater River)”, not to confused with the Yakama peoples)[35]
Territories along the Potlatch River (which was called Yăká above its mouth into the Clearwater River) in Idaho.
several village based bands are counted among them:

  • the Yakto’inu (Yaktōinu) Band (their village Yaktōin was located at the mouth of the Potlatch River into the Clearwater River)
  • the Yatóinu Band (lived along Pine Creek, a small right tributary of the Potlatch River)
  • the Iwatoinu (Iwatōinu) Band (their village Iwatōin was located on the north bank of the Potlatch River near today’s Kendrick in Latah County)
  • the Tunèhepu (Tunĕhĕpu) Band (their village Tunĕhĕ was located at the mouth of Middle Potlatch Creek into the Potlatch River, near Juliaetta, Idaho (Yeqe))

Because of large amount of inter-marriage between Nez Perce bands and neighboring tribes or bands to forge alliances and peace (often living in mixed bilingual villages together), the following bands were also counted to the Nez Perce (which today are viewed as being linguistically and culturally closely related, but separate ethnic groups):

Walla Walla Band
These were the Walla Walla people which lived along the Walla Walla River and along the confluence of the Snake and Columbia River rivers, today they are enrolled in the Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla Indian Reservation.
Pelloatpallah Band or Palous Band
These were the Palus (or Palus proper) Band and Wawawai Band of the Upper Palus Band, which constituted together with the Middle Palus Band und Lower Palus Band – one of the three main groups of the Palus people, which lived along the Columbia, Snake and Palouse Rivers to the northwest of the Nez Perce. Today the majority is enrolled in the Confederated Tribes and Bands of the Yakama Nation and some are part of the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation.
Weyiiletpuu (Wailetpu) Band or Yeletpo Band
These were the Cayuse people which lived to the west of the Nez Perce at the headwaters of the Walla Walla, Umatilla and Grande Ronde River and from the Blue Mountains westwards up to the Deschutes River, they oft shared village sites with the Nez Perce and Palus and were feared by neighboring tribes, as early as 1805, most Cayuse had given up their mother tongue and had switched to Weyíiletpuu, a variety of the Lower Nez Perce/Lower Niimiipuutímt dialect of the Nez Perce language. They called themselves by their Nez-Percé name as Weyiiletpuu (“Ryegrass People”); today most Cayuse are enrolled into the Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla Indian Reservation, some as Confederated Tribes of Warm Springs or Nez Perce Tribe of Idaho.


A traditional Nez Perce beaded shirt

The semi-sedentary Nez Percés were Hunter-gatherer without agriculture living in a society in which most or all food is obtained by foraging (collecting wild plants and roots and pursuing wild animals). They depended on hunting, fishing, and the gathering of wild roots and berries.

Nez Perce people historically depended on various Pacific salmon and Pacific trout for their food: Chinook salmon or “nacoox” (Oncorhynchus tschawytscha) were eaten the most, but other species such as Pacific lamprey (Entosphenus tridentatus or Lampetra tridentata), and chiselmouth.[36] Other important fishes included the Sockeye salmon (Oncorhynchus nerka), Silver salmon or ka’llay (Oncorhynchus kisutch), Chum salmon or dog salmon or ka’llay (Oncorhynchus keta), Mountain whitefish or “ci’mey” (Prosopium williamsoni), White sturgeon (Acipenser transmontanus), White sucker or “mu’quc” (Catostomus commersonii), and varieties of trout – West Coast steelhead or “heyey” (Oncorhynchus mykiss), brook trout or “pi’ckatyo” (Salvelinus fontinalis), bull trout or “i’slam” (Salvelinus confluentus), and Cutthroat trout or “wawa’lam” (Oncorhynchus clarkii).[37]

Prior to contact with Europeans, the Nez Perce’s traditional hunting and fishing areas spanned from the Cascade Range in the west to the Bitterroot Mountains in the east.[38]

Historically, in late May and early June, Nez Perce villagers crowded to communal fishing sites to trap eels, steelhead, and chinook salmon, or haul in fish with large dip nets. Fishing took place throughout the summer and fall, first on the lower streams and then on the higher tributaries, and catches also included salmon, sturgeon, whitefish, suckers, and varieties of trout. Most of the supplies for winter use came from a second run in the fall, when large numbers of Sockeye salmon, silver, and dog salmon appeared in the rivers.

Fishing is traditionally an important ceremonial and commercial activity for the Nez Perce tribe. Today Nez Perce fishers participate in tribal fisheries in the mainstream Columbia River between Bonneville and McNary dams. The Nez Perce also fish for spring and summer Chinook salmon and Rainbow trout/steelhead in the Snake River and its tributaries. The Nez Perce tribe runs the Nez Perce Tribal Hatchery on the Clearwater River, as well as several satellite hatchery programs.

Nez Perce encampment, Lapwai, Idaho, ca. 1899

The first fishing of the season was accompanied by prescribed rituals and a ceremonial feast known as “kooyit“. Thanksgiving was offered to the Creator and to the fish for having returned and given themselves to the people as food. In this way, it was hoped that the fish would return the next year.

Like salmon, plants contributed to traditional Nez Perce culture in both material and spiritual dimensions.[39]

Aside from fish and game, Plant foods provided over half of the dietary calories, with winter survival depending largely on dried roots, especially Kouse, or “qáamsit” (when fresh) and “qáaws” (when peeled and dried) (Lomatium especially Lomatium cous), and Camas, or “qém’es” (Nez Perce: “sweet”) (Camassia quamash), the first being roasted in pits, while the other was ground in mortars and molded into cakes for future use, both plants had been traditionally an important food and trade item.[39] Women were primarily responsible for the gathering and preparing of these root crops. Camas bulbs were gathered in the region between the Salmon and Clearwater river drainages.[40] Techniques for preparing and storing winter foods enabled people to survive times of colder winters with little or no fresh foods.[39]

Favorite fruits dried for winter were serviceberries or “kel” (Amelanchier alnifolia or Saskatoon berry), black huckleberries or “cemi’tk” (Vaccinium membranaceum), red elderberries or “mi’ttip” (Sambucus racemosa var. melanocarpa), and chokecherries or “ti’ms” (Prunus virginiana var. melanocarpa). Nez Perce textiles were made primarily from dogbane or “qeemu” (Apocynum cannabinum or Indian hemp), tules or “to’ko” (Schoenoplectus acutus var. acutus), and western redcedar or “tala’tat” (Thuja plicata). The most important industrial woods were redcedar, ponderosa pine or “la’qa” (Pinus ponderosa), Douglas fir or “pa’ps” (Pseudotsuga menziesii), sandbar willow or “tax’s” (Salix exigua), and hard woods such as Pacific yew or “ta’mqay” (Taxus brevifolia) and syringa or “sise’qiy” (Philadelphus lewisii or Indian arrowwood).[39]

Many fishes and plants important to Nez Perce culture are today state symbols: the black huckleberry or “cemi’tk” is the official state fruit and the Indian arrowwood or “sise’qiy“, the Douglas fir or “pa’ps” is the state tree of Oregon and the ponderosa pine or “la’qa” of Montana, the Chinook salmon is the state fish of Oregon, the cutthroat trout or “wawa’lam” of Idaho, Montana and Wyoming, and the West Coast steelhead or “heyey” of Washington.

“The Heart of the Monster”, described in the Nez Perce origin story

The Nez Perce believed in spirits called weyekins (Wie-a-kins) which would, they thought, offer a link to the invisible world of spiritual power”.[41] The weyekin would protect one from harm and become a personal guardian spirit. To receive a weyekin, a seeker would go to the mountains alone on a vision quest. This included fasting and meditation over several days. While on the quest, the individual may receive a vision of a spirit, which would take the form of a mammal or bird. This vision could appear physically or in a dream or trance. The weyekin was to bestow the animal’s powers on its bearer—for example; a deer might give its bearer swiftness. A person’s weyekin was very personal. It was rarely shared with anyone and was contemplated in private. The weyekin stayed with the person until death.

Helen Hunt Jackson, author of “A Century of Dishonor“, written in 1889 refers to the Nez Perce as “the richest, noblest, and most gentle” of Indian peoples as well as the most industrious.[42]

The museum at the Nez Perce National Historical Park, headquartered in Spalding, Idaho, and managed by the National Park Service includes a research center, archives, and library. Historical records are available for on-site study and interpretation of Nez Perce history and culture.[43] The park includes 38 sites associated with the Nez Perce in the states of Idaho, Montana, Oregon, and Washington, many of which are managed by local and state agencies.[43]


European contact

In 1805 William Clark was the first known Euro-American to meet any of the tribe, excluding the aforementioned French Canadian traders. While he, Meriwether Lewis and their men were crossing the Bitterroot Mountains, they ran low of food, and Clark took six hunters and hurried ahead to hunt. On September 20, 1805, near the western end of the Lolo Trail, he found a small camp at the edge of the camas-digging ground, which is now called Weippe Prairie. The explorers were favorably impressed by the Nez Perce whom they met. Preparing to make the remainder of their journey to the Pacific by boats on rivers, they entrusted the keeping of their horses until they returned to “2 brothers and one son of one of the Chiefs.” One of these Indians was Walammottinin (meaning “Hair Bunched and tied,” but more commonly known as Twisted Hair). He was the father of Chief Lawyer, who by 1877 was a prominent member of the “Treaty” faction of the tribe. The Nez Perce were generally faithful to the trust; the party recovered their horses without serious difficulty when they returned.[44]

Recollecting the Nez Perce encounter with the Lewis and Clark party, in 1889 anthropologist Alice Fletcher wrote that “the Lewis and Clark explorers were the first white men that many of the people had ever seen and the women thought them beautiful.” She wrote that the Nez Perce “were kind to the tired and hungry party. They furnished fresh horses and dried meat and fish with wild potatoes and other roots which were good to eat, and the refreshed white men went further on, westward, leaving their bony, wornout horses for the Indians to take care of and have fat and strong when Lewis and Clark should come back on their way home.” On their return trip they arrived at the Nez Perce encampment the following spring, again hungry and exhausted. The tribe constructed a large tent for them and again fed them. Desiring fresh red meat, the party offered an exchange for a Nez Perce horse. Quoting from the Lewis and Clark diary, Fletcher writes, “The hospitality of the Chiefs was offended at the idea of an exchange. He observed that his people had an abundance of young horses and that if we were disposed to use that food, we might have as many as we wanted.” The party stayed with the Nez Perce for a month before moving on.[45]

Flight of the Nez Perce

Map showing the flight of the Nez Perce and key battle sites

The Nez Perce were one of the tribal nations at the Walla Walla Council (1855) (along with the CayuseUmatillaWalla Walla, and Yakama), which signed the Treaty of Walla Walla.[46]

Under pressure from the European Americans, in the late 19th century the Nez Perce split into two groups: one side accepted the coerced relocation to a reservation and the other refused to give up their fertile land in Idaho and Oregon. Those willing to go to a reservation made a treaty in 1877. The flight of the non-treaty Nez Perce began on June 15, 1877, with Chief JosephLooking GlassWhite BirdOllokot, Lean Elk (Poker Joe) and Toohoolhoolzote leading 2,900 men, women and children in an attempt to reach a peaceful sanctuary. They intended to seek shelter with their allies the Crow but, upon the Crow’s refusal to offer help, the Nez Perce tried to reach the camp in Canada of Lakota Chief Sitting Bull. He had migrated there instead of surrendering after the Indian victory at the Battle of the Little Bighorn.

The Nez Perce were pursued by over 2,000 soldiers of the U.S. Army on an epic flight to freedom of more than 1,170 miles (1,880 km) across four states and multiple mountain ranges. The 800 Nez Perce warriors defeated or held off the pursuing troops in 18 battles, skirmishes, and engagements. More than 300 US soldiers and 1,000 Nez Perce (including women and children) were killed in these conflicts.[47]

A majority of the surviving Nez Perce were finally forced to surrender on October 5, 1877, after the Battle of the Bear Paw Mountains in Montana, 40 miles (64 km) from the Canada–US border. Chief Joseph surrendered to General Oliver O. Howard of the U.S. Cavalry.[48] During the surrender negotiations, Chief Joseph sent a message, usually described as a speech, to the US soldiers. It has become renowned as one of the greatest American speeches: “…Hear me, my chiefs, I am tired. My heart is sick and sad. From where the sun now stands, I will fight no more forever.”[49]

The route of the Nez Perce flight is preserved by the Nez Perce National Historic Trail.[50] The annual Cypress Hills ride in June commemorates the Nez Perce people’s attempt to escape to Canada.[51]

Nez Perce horse breeding program

Nez Perce warrior
on horse, 1910

In 1994 the Nez Perce tribe began a breeding program, based on crossbreeding the Appaloosa and a Central Asian breed called Akhal-Teke, to produce what they called the Nez Perce Horse.[52] They wanted to restore part of their traditional horse culture, where they had conducted selective breeding of their horses, long considered a marker of wealth and status, and trained their members in a high quality of horsemanship. Social disruption due to reservation life and assimilationist pressures by Americans and the government resulted in the destruction of their horse culture in the 19th century. The 20th-century breeding program was financed by the United States Department of Health and Human Services, the Nez Perce tribe, and the nonprofit called the First Nations Development Institute. It has promoted businesses in Native American country that reflect values and traditions of the peoples. The Nez Perce Horse breed is noted for its speed.

Nez Perce Indian Reservation

Nez Perce Indians with Appaloosa horse, around 1895

The current tribal lands consist of a reservation in North Central Idaho at 46°18′N 116°24′W, primarily in the Camas Prairie region south of the Clearwater River, in parts of four counties.[53] In descending order of surface area, the counties are Nez PerceLewisIdaho, and Clearwater. The total land area is about 1,195 square miles (3,100 km2), and the reservation’s population at the 2000 census was 17,959.[54]

Due to tribal loss of lands, the population on the reservation is predominantly white, nearly 90% in 1988.[55] The largest community is the city of Orofino, near its northeast corner. Lapwai is the seat of tribal government, and it has the highest percentage of Nez Percé people as residents, at about 81.4 percent.

Similar to the opening of Native American lands in Oklahoma by allowing acquisition of surplus by non-natives after households received plots, the U.S. government opened the Nez Percé reservation for general settlement on November 18, 1895. The proclamation had been signed less than two weeks earlier by President Grover Cleveland.[56] Thousands rushed to grab land on the reservation, staking out their claims even on land owned by Nez Percé families.[57][58][59]


In addition, the Colville Indian Reservation in eastern Washington contains the Joseph band of Nez Percé.

Nez Perce

  • Chief Lawyer (HallalhotsootHalalhot’suut) (c. 1796–1876), son of a Salish-speaking Flathead woman and Twisted Hair, the Nez Perce who welcomed and befriended the exhausted Lewis and Clark Expedition in the September 1805. His father’s positive experiences with the whites greatly influenced him, leader of the treaty faction of the Nez Percé, and signed the 1855 Walla Walla Treaty and controversial 1863 treaty.[60] He was called the Lawyer by fur trappers because of his oratory and ability to speak several languages. He defended the actions of the 1863 Treaty which cost the Nez Perce nearly 90% of their lands after gold was discovered because he knew it was futile to resist the US government and its military power. He tried to negotiate the best outcome which still allowed the majority of Nez Perce to live in their usual village locations. He died, frustrated that the U.S. government failed to follow through on the promises made in both treaties, even making a trip to Washington, D.C. to express his frustration.[60] He is buried at the Nikesa Cemetery at the Presbyterian church in Kamiah.[60][61]
  • Old Chief Joseph (Tuekakas), (also: tiwíiteq’is) (c. 1785–1871), was leader of the Wallowa Band and one of the first Nez Percé converts to Christianity and vigorous advocate of the tribe’s early peace with whites, father of Chief Joseph (also known as Young Joseph).
  • Ellis (c. 1810–1848) was the first united leader of the Nez Perce. He was the grandson of the leader Hohots Ilppilp (also known as Red Grizzly Bear), who met with Lewis and Clark.
  • Chief Joseph (hinmatóoyalahtq’it – “Thunder traveling to higher areas”) (1840–1904), the best-known leader of the Nez Perce, who led his people in their struggle to retain their identity, with about 60 warriors, he commanded the greatest following of the non-treaty chiefs. (also known as Young Joseph)
  • Ollokot, (’álok’at, also known as Ollikut) (1840s–1877), younger brother of Chief Joseph, war chief of the Wallowa band, was killed while fighting at the final battle on Snake Creek, near the Bear Paw Mountains on October 4, 1877.
  • Looking Glass (younger) or ’Eelelimyeteqenin’ (also: Allalimya Takanin – “Wrapped in the wind”) (c. 1832–1877), leader of the non-treaty Alpowai band and war leader, who was killed during the tribe’s final battle with the US Army; his following was third and did not exceed 40 men.
  • Eagle from the Light,[62] (Tipiyelehne Ka Awpo) chief of the non-treaty Lam’tama band, that traveled east over the Bitterroot Mountains along with Looking Glass’ band to hunt buffalo, was present at the Walla Walla Council in 1855 and supported the non-treaty faction at the Lapwai Council, refused to sign the Treaty of 1855 and 1866, left his territory on Salmon River (two miles south of Corvallis) in 1875 with part of his band, and did settle down in Weiser County (Montana), joined with Shoshone Chief’s Eagle’s Eye. The leadership of the other Lam’tama that rested on the Salmon River was taken by old chief White Bird. Eagle From the Light didn’t participate in the War of 1877 because he was too far away.
  • Peo Peo Tholekt (piyopyóot’alikt – “Bird Alighting”), a Nez Perce warrior who fought with distinction in every battle of the Nez Perce War, wounded in the Battle of Camas Creek.
  • White Bird or Piyóopiyo x̣ayx̣áyx̣ (also: Peo-peo-hix-hiix or Peo peo Hih Hih; more correctly Peopeo Kiskiok Hihih – “White Goose”) (d.1892), also referred to as White Pelican was war leader and tooat (Medicine man (or Shaman) or Prophet) of the non-treaty Lamátta or Lamtáama band, belonging to Lahmatta (“area with little snow”), by which White Bird Canyon was known to the Nez Perce, his following was second in size to Joseph’s, and did not exceed 50 men
  • Toohoolhoolzote, was leader and tooat (medicine man (or shaman) or prophet) of the non-treaty Pikunan band; fought in the Nez Perce War after first advocating peace; died at the Battle of Bear Paw
  • Yellow Wolf or Hiímiin maqs maqs / Himíin maqsmáqs (also: He–Mene Mox Mox or Hemene Moxmox, wished to be called Heinmot Hihhih or In-mat-hia-hia – “White Lightning”, c. 1855, died August 1935) was a Nez Perce warrior of the non-treaty Wallowa band who fought in the Nez Perce War of 1877, gunshot wound, left arm near wrist; under left eye in the Battle of the Clearwater
  • Yellow Bull or Cúuɫim maqsmáqs (also: Chuslum Moxmox), war leader of a non-treaty band
  • Wrapped in the Wind (’elelímyeté’qenin’/ háatyata’qanin)
  • Rainbow (Wahchumyus), war leader of a non-treaty band, killed in the Battle of the Big Hole
  • Five Wounds (Pahkatos Owyeen), wounded in right hand at the Battle of the Clearwater and killed in the Battle of the Big Hole
  • Red Owl (Koolkool Snehee), war leader of a non-treaty band
  • Poker Joe, warrior and subchief; chosen trail boss and guide of the Nez Percé people following the Battle of the Big Hole, killed in the Battle of Bear Paw; half French Canadian and Nez Perce descent
  • Timothy (Tamootsin, 1808–1891), leader of the treaty faction of the Alpowai (or Alpowa) band of the Nez Percé, was the first Christian convert among the Nez Percé, was married to Tamer, a sister of Old Chief Joseph, who was baptized on the same day as Timothy.[63]
  • Archie Phinney (1904–1949), scholar and administrator who studied under Franz Boas at Columbia University and produced Nez Perce Texts, a published collection of Nez Perce myths and legends from the oral tradition[64]
  • Elaine Miles, actress best known from her role in television’s Northern Exposure
  • Jack and Al Hoxie, silent film actors; mother was Nez Perce
  • Jackson Sundown, war veteran and rodeo champion
  • Claudia Kauffman, a former state senator in Washington state


  1. Jump up to:a b 2010 Figures for total Nez Perce community. Retrieved 2010.10.05
  2. ^ Aoki, Haruo. 1994. Nez Perce Dictionary. Berkeley: University of California Press.
  3. Jump up to:a b Ames, Kenneth and Alan Marshall. 1980. “Villages, Demography and Subsistence Intensification on the Southern Columbia Plateau”. North American Archeologist, 2(1): 25–52.”
  4. ^ Map: Distribution of North American Plateau Indians
  5. ^ Encyclopædia Britannica: Nez Perce People
  6. ^ Hunn, Eugene and James Selam. 2001. Nch’i-wána, ‘the Big River’: Mid-Columbia Indians and Their Land. Seattle: University of Washington Press. p. 4.
  7. ^ “Stern, Theodore. 1998. ‘Colombia River Trade Network,’ Pp. 641–652 in Handbook of North American Indians: Volume 12, Plateau. Deward E. Walker, Jr., Volume Editor. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution.”
  8. Jump up to:a b Slickpoo, Allen P., Sr. 1973. Noon Nee-Me-Poo (We, The Nez Perces): Culture and History of the Nez Perces, Vol. 1. Lewiston, Idaho: The Nez Percé Tribe of Idaho.
  9. ^ Nez Perce Tribe official website
  10. ^ R. David Edmunds, “The Nez Perce Flight for Justice“, American Heritage, Fall 2008.
  11. ^ “Official Home of the Nez Perce Tribal Web Site” Retrieved December 20, 2017.
  12. ^ Map: Shrinkage of the Nez Perce lands after 1855
  13. ^ Colombi, Benedict. 2005. “Dammed in Region Six: The Nez Perce Tribe, Agricultural Development, and the Inequality of Scale”. American Indian Quarterly, 29(3&4): 560–589.
  14. ^ Colombi, Benedict. 2012. “Salmon and the Adaptive Capacity of Nimiipuu (Nez Perce) Culture to Cope with Change”. American Indian Quarterly, 36(1): 75–97.
  15. ^ Colombi, Benedict. 2012. “The Economics of Dam Building: Nez Perce Tribe and Global-Scale Development”. American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 36(1): 123–149.
  16. ^ Hormel, Leontina M. 2016. “Nez Perce Defending Treaty Lands in Northern Idaho”. Peace Review: A Journal of Social Justice, 28(1): 76–83.
  17. ^ “Nez Perce Tribe Department of Fisheries & Resources Management”. Archived from the original on December 26, 2018. Retrieved December 8, 2017.
  18. ^ Landeen, Dan and Allen Pinkham. 1999. Salmon and His People: Fish and Fishing in Nez Perce Culture. Winchester, Idaho: Confluence Press.
  19. ^ Nez Perce Tribe (2003). Treaties: Nez Perce Perspectives. The Nez Perce Tribe Environmental Restoration & Waste Management Program, in association with the United States Department of Energy. Lewiston, Idaho: Confluence Press.
  20. Jump up to:a b Aoki, Haruo. Nez Perce Dictionary. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994. ISBN 978-0-520-09763-6.
  21. ^ Buechel, Eugene & Manhart S.J., Paul “Lakota Dictionary: Lakota-English / English-Lakota, New Comprehensive Edition” 2002.
  22. ^ AISRI Dictionary
  23. ^ “Selections from WITH THE NEZ PERCES Alice Fletcher in the Field, 1889–92 by E. Jane Gay”PBS. Retrieved September 20, 2017.
  24. ^ Walker, Deward (1998). PlateauHandbook of North American Indians v. 12. Smithsonian Institution. pp. 437–438. ISBN 0-16-049514-8.
  25. ^ University of California Press, 1994
  26. ^ Aoki, Haruo (1994). Nez Perce Dictionary. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 52, 527, 542. ISBN 978-0-520-09763-6.
  27. ^ “Since Time Immemorial”Lewis & Clark Rediscovery Project. Nez Perce Tribe. Archived from the original on April 3, 2016. Retrieved May 23, 2013.
  28. ^ Spinden, Herbert Joseph (1908). Nez Percé Indians. Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, v.2 pt.3. American Anthropological Association. p. 172. OCLC 4760170.
  29. ^ Walker, Jr., Deward E.; Jones, Peter N. (1964). he Nez Perce. Seattle: University of Washington Press.
  30. ^ Paiute-speakers (i.e. Bannocks) called themselves Pan a’kwati/Panákwate – ″on the water side or on the west side″ and their Shoshone kin within the mixed Bannock-Shoshone bands as Wihínakwate – ″on the knife side or on the iron side″ (the equivalent Shoshone words are WihiN’naite and Bannaite)
  31. ^ “Nimipuutímt Volume 3 Names of Tribes” (PDF).
  32. ^ Wallowa Valley, Oregon, to Kooskia, Idaho – Discover the Nez Perce Trail (PDF)
  33. ^ Thomas E. Churchill: Inner Bark Utilization: A Nez Perce Example. (PDF) Oregon State University, Commencement June 1984
  34. ^ “Home – Nez Perce Wallowa Homeland”
  35. ^ The North American Indian. Volume 8 – The Nez Perces. Wallawalla. Umatilla. Cayuse. The Chinookan tries. Classic Books Company. ISBN 978-0-7426-9808-6, page 158 – 160 (Source for regional bands, bands and villages)
  36. ^ Landeen, Dan; Pinkham, Allen (1999). Salmon and His People: Fish & Fishing in Nez Perce Culture. Lewiston, Idaho: Confluence Press. p. 1. ISBN 1881090329OCLC 41433913.
  37. ^ Nez Perce National Historical Park (Source for Nez Perce names for Fishes, Animals and Plants
  38. ^ Landeen (1999), Salmon and His People, p. 92
  39. Jump up to:a b c d “Plants – Nez Perce National Historical Park”. U.S. National Park Service. This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain.
  40. ^ Kephart, Susan. “Camas”The Oregon Encyclopedia. Retrieved April 4, 2016.
  41. ^ Hoxie, Frederick E.; Nelson, Jay T. (2007). Lewis & Clark and the Indian Country: the Native American Perspective. Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press. pp. 66–67ISBN 0252074858OCLC 132681406.
  42. ^ Jackson, Helen Hunt (January 1, 2001). A Century of Dishonor. Digital Scanning Inc. ISBN 9781582182896.
  43. Jump up to:a b “Research Center”. Nez Perce National Historic Park. Retrieved April 14, 2012.
  44. ^ Josephy, Alvin (1971). The Nez Perce Indians and the Opening of the Northwest. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-01494-5.
  45. ^ “Selections from WITH THE NEZ PERCES Alice Fletcher in the Field, 1889–92 by E. Jane Gay”PBS. Retrieved September 21, 2017.
  46. ^ Trafzer, Clifford E. (Fall 2005). “Legacy of the Walla Walla Council, 1955”Oregon Historical Quarterly. 106 (3): 398–411. ISSN 0030-4727. Archived from the original on January 5, 2007.
  47. ^ Josephy, Jr., Alvin M. The Nez Perce and the Opening of the Northwest. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965, pp. 632–633.
  48. ^ “Letters and Quotations of the Nez Perce Flight”. U.S. Forest Service. Retrieved April 14, 2012.
  49. ^ “Chief Joseph Surrenders”. Great Speeches. Retrieved April 14, 2012.
  50. ^ “Maps of the Nez Perce National Historic Trail”. U.S. Forest Service. Retrieved April 14, 2012.
  51. ^ Praharenka, Gail; Niemeyer, Bernice. “Nez Perce Ride to Freedom”. Archived from the original on May 17, 2008.
  52. ^ “Nez Perce horse culture resurrected through new breed”. Idaho Natives. Retrieved May 22, 2013.
  53. ^ “The Nez Perce Reservation with a Map Insert of Idaho” (PDF). Nez Perce Tribe. Geographic Information Systems. Retrieved April 5, 2016.
  54. ^ “Nez Perce Reservation Census of Population”United States Census Bureau. 2000.
  55. ^ Popkey, Dan (October 29, 1988). “Nez Perce Tribe battling whites over economics”Idahonian. Moscow. Associated Press. p. 10A.
  56. ^ Hamilton, Ladd (June 25, 1961). “Heads were popping up all over the place”Lewiston Morning Tribune. Idaho. p. 14.
  57. ^ Brammer, Rhonda (July 24, 1977). “Unruly mobs dashed to grab land when reservation opened”Lewiston Morning Tribune. Idaho. p. 6E.
  58. ^ “3,000 took part in “sneak” when Nez Perce Reservation was opened”Lewiston Morning Tribune. Idaho. November 19, 1931. p. 3.
  59. ^ “Nez Perce Reservation”Spokesman-Review. December 11, 1921. p. 5.
  60. Jump up to:a b c Ruark, Janice (February 23, 1977). “Lawyer led Nez Perce in peace before war”Spokane Daily Chronicle. Washington. p. 3.
  61. ^ “Chief Lawyer”. Find a Grave. Retrieved April 5, 2016.
  62. ^ McCoy, Robert R. (2004). Chief Joseph, Yellow Wolf and the Creation of Nez Perce History in the Pacific Northwest. Indigenous Peoples and Politics. New York: Routledge. pp. 103–109. ISBN 0-415-94889-4.
  63. ^ “The Treaty Trail: U.S.-Indian Treaty Councils in the Northwest”. Washington State Historical Society. Retrieved April 14, 2012.
  64. ^ Rigby, Barry (July 3, 1990). “Archie Phinney was a champion of Indian rights”Lewiston Morning Tribune. Idaho. p. 4-Centennial.

Further reading

  • Beal, Merrill D. “I Will Fight No More Forever”: Chief Joseph and the Nez Perce War. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1963.
  • Bial, Raymond. The Nez Perce. New York: Benchmark Books, 2002. ISBN 0-7614-1210-7.
  • Boas, Franz (1917). Folk-tales of Salishan and Sahaptin tribes. Washington State Library’s Classics in Washington History collection. Published for the American Folk-Lore Society by G.E. Stechert & Co. OCLC 2322072.
  • Haines, Francis. The Nez Percés: Tribesmen of the Columbia Plateau. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1955.
  • Henry, Will. From Where the Sun Now Stands, New York: Bantam Books, 1976.
  • Humphrey, Seth K. (1906). “The Nez Perces” The Indian Dispossessed (Revised ed.). Boston: Little, Brown and CompanyOCLC 68571148 – via Wikisource.
  • Josephy, Alvin M. The Nez Perce Indians and the Opening of the Northwest. Yale Western Americana series, 10. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1965.
  • Judson, Katharine Berry (1912). Myths and legends of the Pacific Northwest, especially of Washington and Oregon. Washington State Library’s Classics in Washington History collection (2nd ed.). Chicago: A.C. McClurg. OCLC 10363767. Oral traditions from the Chinook, Nez Perce, Klickitat and other tribes of the Pacific Northwest.
  • Lavender, David Sievert. Let Me Be Free: The Nez Perce Tragedy. New York: HarperCollins, 1992. ISBN 0-06-016707-6.
  • Nerburn, Kent. Chief Joseph & the Flight of the Nez Perce: The Untold Story of an American Tragedy. New York: HarperOne, 2005. ISBN 0-06-051301-2.
  • Pearson, Diane. The Nez Perces in the Indian Territory: Nimiipuu Survival. 2008.
  • Stout, Mary. Nez Perce. Native American peoples. Milwaukee, WI: Gareth Stevens Pub, 2003. ISBN 0-8368-3666-9.
  • Warren, Robert Penn. Chief Joseph of the Nez Perce, Who Called Themselves the Nimipu, “the Real People”: A Poem. New York: Random House, 1983. ISBN 0-394-53019-5.
  • Aoki, Haruo. 1989. Nez Perce Oral Narratives: Linguistics, Vol. 104. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
  • Axtell, Horace and Margo Aragon. 1997. A Little Bit of Wisdom: Conversations with a Nez Perce Elder. Lewiston, Idaho: Confluence Press.
  • Holt, Renée. 2012. “Decolonizing Indigenous Communities”. in Unsettling America: Decolonization in Theory & Practice. April 18, 2012.
  • Hunn, Eugene and James Selam. 2001. Nch’i-wána, ‘the Big River’: Mid-Columbia Indians and Their Land. Seattle: University of Washington Press.
  • James, Caroline. 1996. Nez Perce Women in Transition, 1877–1990. Moscow, Idaho: University of Idaho Press.
  • Hormel, Leontina M. 2016. “Nez Perce Defending Treaty Lands in Northern Idaho”. Peace Review: A Journal of Social Justice, 28(1): 76–83.
  • Josephy, Alvin. 2007. Nez Perce Country. Lincoln, Neb.: University of Nebraska Press.
  • Josephy, Alvin. 1997. The Nez Perce Indians and the Opening of the Northwest. New Haven: Yale University Press.
  • McCoy, Robert. 2004. Chief Joseph, Yellow Wolf, and the Creation of Nez Percé History in the Pacific Northwest. New York: Routledge.
  • McWhorter, Lucullus Virgil. 1940. Yellow Wolf: His Own Story. Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Press.
  • Phinney, Archie. 1969. Nez Percé Texts. New York: AMS Press.
  • Slickpoo, Allen P. Sr. 1972. Nu moe poom tit wah tit (Nez Perce Legends). Lapwai, Idaho: Nez Perce Tribe.
  • Tonkovich, Nicole. 2012. The Allotment Plot: Alice C. Fletcher, E. Jane Gay, and Nez Perce Survivance. Lincoln, Neb.: University of Nebraska Press.
  • Trafzer, Clifford. 1987. Northwestern Tribes in Exile: Modoc, Nez Perce, and Palouse Removal to the Indian Territory. Sacramento: Sierra Oaks Publishing Co.

External links[edit]

La Familia de Kensington de Michelle cuando nosotros estabamos muy pequenos

May 30, 2020


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te echo menos   mi hermana  de muchos anos pasados  en filadelfia

my dad a simple lover of life

May 30, 2020



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he did not like the army was in the signal corps wasn’t suited to the chaos, I hope no one is but it hurt him emotionally he never talked about it i know this from my sister who has this picture of him it is one of my favorite he is also on the main photograph he was bigger than I am and a lot more healthy except the emphysema that debilitated and killed him about 30 years ago i never go a day or a moment without considering how much he gave and whop he was. I did not understand his love most of the time and even now it is beyond anything that one normally experiences. His voice his touch his calm reassurance his smiling face his devotion are imprinted deep inside. I call on his grace when the world is harsh and I feel no resolution is possible and believe me it quells the dragons